About This Exihbit:

Military History of the Czech Lands: From Bohemia to the Czech Republic

It all started with…

Part I: Czech and Czechoslovak Military History 

I. Medieval and Early Modern Period 

Kingdom of Bohemia 

Sources:

• “A Brief History of the Czech Republic.” Czechuniversities.Com, Discover Czechia, 31 Aug. 2019, www.czechuniversities.com/article/a-brief-history-of-the-czech-republic.  

• “Bohemia.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, inc., 2 May 2025, www.britannica.com/place/Bohemia.

• Monroe, W. S. Bohemia and the Čechs: The History, People, Institutions, and the Geography of the Kingdom, Together with Accounts of Moravia and Silesia / by Will S. Monroe. G. Bell, 1918, 1918. (16-49)

• Berend, Nora, et al. Central Europe in the High Middle Ages: Bohemia, Hungary and Poland, c.900 c.1300. Cambridge University Press, 2014. (DO LAST)

• Stefan, Ivo, et al. “The Archaeology of Early Medieval Violence: The Mass Grave at Budeč, Czech Republic.” Antiquity, vol. 90, no. 351, 2016, pp. 759–76, https://doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2016.29.

• Polišenský, Josef V. History of Czechoslovakia in Outline. Sphinx Publishers, 1948, 18-39.

• Berend, Nora, et al. Central Europe in the High Middle Ages: Bohemia, Hungary and Poland, c.900 c.1300. Cambridge University Press, 2014. 

• Jiřincová, Barbora, and Alexandra Vukovich. Slavic Ancient Origins. Collector’s Editions ed., Flame Tree Collections, 2024. (230-286)

• “Říp Mountain.” Zámek Mělník, 14 May 2018, lobkowicz-melnik.cz/en/rip-mountain/#:~:text=As%20the%20legend%20goes%2C%20Forefather,’. 

Before the Czech Republic and Czechoslovakia, there was what would become the Kingdom of Bohemia. This land was first formed from Slavic peoples who settled in the area. According to legend, it was referred to as “the promised land, abundant in milk and honey” by Forefather Čech, a mythological Czech figure who climbed Říp Mountain and surveyed the surrounding landscape before he and his people settled there. The Bohemian tribes in the 8th century accepted the influence of the Moravians. Slavic peoples, beginning with Prince Mojmír I (r. 830–846), would create a political state that encompassed Bohemia, along with parts of Hungary, Poland, and other territories. Greater Moravia would last until the late 9th century. They were replaced with the Premyslid dynasty, with Borivoj 1 (r. 852-889), a relative of the Moravians, and his more well-known wife, Ludmilla. Their son Spytihnev I (875-915) brought reformations and prosperity to Bohemia while being baptized by a Slavic archbishop. Christianity itself began to take hold with Bohemian leaders adopting the religion in 845 as a political maneuver with the Holy Roman Empire, with the Premyslid dynasty formally adopting Christianity as their official religion into the early 900s. They joined the Holy Roman Empire as the Duchy of Bohemia in 950 before being established as a vassal kingdom in 1198 by Přemysl Ottokar I.  Eventually, the kingdom was absorbed into the Habsburg Empire in 1526.

This was an age of knights, men-at-arms, and armored horses ruled by princes and emperors, where elaborate and intricate combat rituals were performed. Up until the 12th century, however, military conflicts in the Early Middle Ages were considerably brutal in retrospect when analyzing archaeological finds such as mass graves. One such grave was found in 1982 in the stronghold Budec near Zakolany in central Bohemia, with upwards of 33 to around 60 bodies identified by researchers. They were believed to be part of the site of a massive battle stemming from Boleslav I’s attempts at removing his brother from power in 935 A.D. A member of the Premyslid dynasty who had priorly murdered his ruling brother Wenceslas, Boleslav I (r. 935-972 A.D.) renounced the Franks and sought to centralize power. The fort, built on top of a hill, had several hundred occupants, including a substantial military garrison. It saw the most combat during the late 9th and 10th centuries. Most of the bodies were young adult males who were found to have died from slash wounds using swords and similar weapons, with a surprising number of bodies (10-24) that were decapitated being identified. The majority of the dead are believed to be defenders of Budec. The damage inflicted showcased how large-scale extreme violence, including this massacre, was commonplace around this period. 

The people of Bohemia came together from Slavic tribes united by a hereditary ruler who created an army of warriors for both military and administrative duties. When the Great Schism of 1054 occurred, the Kingdom of Bohemia allied with Western Europe as it sought to separate itself from the Byzantines and divisions that other Slavic tribes faced. Ruled over by the Premyslid Princes, reunification in the nation was not an easy feat, with King Wenceslas facing struggles for power from his own family and the local rulers who fought amongst themselves. He was succeeded by his ambitious brother Boleslav I, who wished to make Prague the center of importance, adopted Christianity as the state religion, and sought independence from the Holy Roman Empire. He later lost to Emperor Otto I but retained autonomy and served together in later conflicts. People were increasingly reliant on the estates of warriors, with those protecting merchants along their routes becoming a significant economic class. Additionally, power struggles existed not just between rulers but also with their warriors, with one of Vladislav I’s sons being deposed from power in 1193.

Premysl Otakar II, son of Wenceslas I, became famed for his military victories, such as his crusades against Prussia, his conflict with Hungarian King Bela leading to the conqeuoring of the Alps, and more. Premysl in the interim sought to become king of Germany, failing twice and falling in the Battle on the Marchfield in 1278. While the kingdom eventually lost all its territories outside of Bohemia and Moravia and the Premyslid dynasty lost control by 1306, it remained a powerhouse in Europe.

The first Bohemian emperor of the Holy Roman Empire would be named Charles IV, formerly known as Wenceslaus IV (May 14, 1316— Nov. 29, 1378) of the Luxembourg dynasty. He first came to power in 1310 with King John and sought to transform Prague into the administrative capital of the empire through diplomacy and help from the Catholic Church. He held limited military prowess and was adverse to war, being nicknamed the “Popish King”. He would acquire new territory, which extended from Luxembourg to Hungary.  Emperor Charles IV himself ensured the safety of his land and merchants, leading armies in going after robber-knights and executing them. After Charles IV’s passing, however, religious factionalism began with Master John Huss attempting to lead a reformation movement within the Catholic Church, inspired by Wycliffe’s teachings, which were deemed heretical. Eventually, Huss himself would be considered a heretic and executed by the Catholic church, leading to mass outrage from the Czechs. They saw their land as the model Christian kingdom and saw Huss’s prosecution as blasphemy. This would ignite a series of religious conflicts that led to a schism in the church between East and West Catholicism.

Hussite Wars (Jan Žižka and military innovations) (Jul 30, 1419 – May 30, 1434) 

Sources:

• Buc, Philippe. “Medieval European Civil Wars: Local and Proto-National Identities of Toulousains, Parisians, and Prague Czechs.” War and Collective Identities in the Middle Ages, 2023, pp. 129–52, https://doi.org/10.1017/9781802701067.008.

• Kotecki, Radosław, et al. Christianity and War in Medieval East Central Europe and Scandinavia. New edition, Arc Humanities Press, 2021, https://doi.org/10.1515/9781641891349.

• Polišenský, Josef V. History of Czechoslovakia in Outline. Sphinx Publishers, 1948. (40-48)

• Monroe, W. S. Bohemia and the Čechs : The History, People, Institutions, and the Geography of the Kingdom, Together with Accounts of Moravia and Silesia / by Will S. Monroe. G. Bell, 1918, 1918, pp. 50-106.

• https://www.britannica.com/biography/Jan-Count-Zizka

This war was also known as the Bohemian Wars, or more commonly known as the Hussite Revolution. Multiple Civil wars brewed between the Hussite faction (named after John Huss) and the Catholic Church, supported by the Holy Roman Empire. Followers of Huss considered themselves to be warriors defending God’s will, with his death sparking a social and national revolution that served as a proto-Protestant movement in practice. The origins of this ideological splinter began during Charles IV’s reign. His religious reforms proved controversial within the clergy, with the Germans holding conservative views of Catholicism, while the Bohemians leaned toward more progressive forms of Christianity. Emperor Charles IV’s son, Wenceslas IV, had far less tact and ruled for a short period. He passed away and was succeeded by his brother, Emperor Sigismund, who had no interest in appeasing the rebels. In response to the rising threat of insurgency from Hussite revolutionaries, Emperor Sigismund led several Crusades against the Bohemian Hussites, whose existence threatened the dominance of the Catholic Church. Taking a stand against the invading crusader forces had impacted the identity of the Czech people well into the Thirty Years' War.  A religious army began forming in the new town of Tabor, with allies in Prague, its university, and supporters from nationalities across the world. They stood behind the ideal of freedom of religion and established the Four Articles of Prague. Utraquism was one of these principal beliefs. Their military strength was massive, perhaps too much for the Catholic church.

Impacts of religious conflicts 

Sources:

• Kotecki, Radosław, et al. Christianity and War in Medieval East Central Europe and Scandinavia. New edition, Arc Humanities Press, 2021, https://doi.org/10.1515/9781641891349.

• Polišenský, Josef V. History of Czechoslovakia in Outline. Sphinx Publishers, 1948. (49-54)

• Monroe, W. S. Bohemia and the Čechs : The History, People, Institutions, and the Geography of the Kingdom, Together with Accounts of Moravia and Silesia / by Will S. Monroe. G. Bell, 1918, pp.50-106.

• Crankshaw, Edward. The Habsburgs: Portrait of a Dynasty. Viking Press, 1971, 111-129.

The Compacts of Basle (based on the Four Articles of Prague) were adopted and accepted by Emperor Sigismund, who was once again recognized as King of Bohemia. Many died from the Hussite Revolution, and much of the land was devastated by the wars, leading to a resurgence of German colonization. The Kingdom of Bohemia was integrated into Austria’s control by the Habsburg house in 1526. They succeeded the Luxembourg family’s reign over Bohemia after the death of King Sigismund. Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia would appoint Emperor Albert of Habsburg (1404-39), his son-in-law, after his marriage to Elizabeth of Luxembourg. Tensions from the Hussite party persisted before Albert died an early death, and his son, Ladislaus Posthumus (r. 1440-52), was accepted as king. This short-lived union between nations collapsed with Albert’s death, as conflicts over succession began. The Empire was split between Posthumus’ legitimacy and the desire for the sovereignty of King Vladislav, ruler of Poland. Hungary remained fractured after Vladislav died in 1444. The Hussite party was under the direction of George of Poděbrady (r. 1458-71), a nobleman who sought to reunify the nation and relinquish independence from the Catholic church. His actions made him an important figurehead in the future Protestant movement. After capturing Prague in 1448, he was placed in charge of administering all of Bohemia and regent of Ladislaus. Ladislaus died in 1457 of Leukemia, and George succeeded him as King. 

Although he was a Hussite, he made attempts at reconciliation between Catholics and Utraquists. He also restored the old royal authority of Bohemia, with neighboring countries quickly establishing diplomatic relations with the king. His actions led to prosperity and growing Bohemian influence in Europe. Amid this reconciliation, however, was a growing concern over the Turks and their aggressive expansionism. King George was ready to utilize Czech military power. An alliance between Christian kings was proposed by George in 1462. And while he faced Papal opposition for his refusal to relinquish his Protestant faith, he was able to secure an alliance with France after sending his ally, Pius II, claiming denial of the Basle Compacts. This created religious controversy, and after Pius II’s death, King George faced a German rebellion supported by his son-in-law Matthias Corvinus, tensions from the Papacy, and the lingering Turkish armies. He would soon die in 1471, with the reign of the Luxemburgs falling alongside him. Soon after, the Kingdom of Bohemia taken over by King Vladislav of the Jagiellonian dynasty in Poland, following the death of Matthias in 1490. George’s influence remained as the belief of the separation of worship and political rulership had begun to spread. This would be carried on by the Jagiellonian dynasty under Vladislav and his son, Louis.

Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648) 

The Thirty Years’ War was sparked in multiple phases by the Protestant Bohemian nobility's rebellion against the Catholic Habsburg Emperor Ferdinand II. Although the Hussites secured their right to religious worship outside of Catholicism following the Compacts, Bohemia would be invaded by King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary.  He was officially accepted as king by the Czech Catholic Estates, but many Bohemians remained loyal to George of Poděbrady (r. 1458-71). The religious doctrine of the Catholic Church and the Hussites were then ratified as equal with the Religious Peace of Kutná Hora in 1485. By the 1600s, however, the Catholic church sought to banish all non-Catholic faith practices, sparking a new series of religious rebellions, now led by Protestant forces. Under the Spanish Habsburgs, Bohemia had become subjugated by Ferdinand II, whose religious fanaticism began to eat away at the religious rights of Protestant factions. 

War ignited in the aftermath of religious infighting over the “ Letter of Majesty”, with arguments over what was considered to be royal domains permissible to establish Protestantism, with many churches being demolished. War broke out as Ferdinand II, aided by Maiamillian of Bavaria, had sought to vanquish the proclaimed  “heretical” forces of Bohemia led by King Frederick. Bohemia organized a standing army and a temporary government in 1618 while expelling all Jesuit Catholics. By 1620, the Czech Protestant forces were without allies and faced overwhelming opposition from the Holy Roman Empire. The Bohemian estates would suffer a fatal defeat in mere hours by the Central European Catholic forces at the Battle of White Mountain. Victory and the resulting occupation of Bohemia were swift, with those amongst the nobility who had not fled after White Mountain being executed. Bohemia lost its sovereignty and was depopulated from around 4 million to about 800,000. Bohemia was subsequently absorbed into the Habsburg empire, losing its independence in 1648 following the death of Ferdinand II and his succession by his son Ferdinand III (r. 1637-57) with little autonomy until the outbreak of the Great War.

II. Habsburg Era (1526–1918)

Jagiellonian control over Bohemia was compromised with the death of King Louis, and a successor was chosen from the Habsburg family. Ferdinand I (r. 1526-64), a Habsburg noble and husband of Jagiellonian princess Ann, would be crowned as King of Bohemia along with Hungary, with his rulership instituting his family’s reign over the Czech and Slovak people for four centuries. Although initially popular with Hussities, this would sour between the tolerant  Estates and his new administration, closely allied with the King of England, Henry VII, and the Holy Roman Empire, ruled by his brother Charles V. Son of Maximilian I, Charles inherited his father’s dynasty, built on a failing medieval system of rulership. He would rise from poverty to riches all across Europe and even the Americas. He was amicable with his older brother Ferdinand, but his son Philip would begin having power struggles with Maximilian II, son of Ferdinand II. His biggest struggle, however, would be his attempts at forming a Catholic religious and political order amid the progression of religious movements led by figures such as Martin Luther. 

By 1517, Martin Luther had already kick-started a similar religious reform movement in Germany, with his reformation movement being well received amongst the Czech Utraquists. King Ferdinand I himself was struggling with religious upheaval in Germany between the Roman Catholics, who represented a third of Bohemia and Moravia, the Bohemian Unity of the Brethren, the Hussite Utraquists, and the Lutheran Protestants. When Charles V was crowned to lead the Holy Roman Empire in 1521, he had to address the empire’s waning influence along with the imminent Turkish threat of invasion. During his reign, he struggled to unify Christendom, even meeting Luther to discuss these matters, but to no avail. Despite agreeing that reform in the church was overdue, Charles V refused to delegitimize the Catholic church. Although it placed a ban on Luther’s teachings, this would prove insufficient. King Henry VIII of England distanced himself from Catholic teachings to establish his own church, and Lutheranism continued to spread.  He would resign from his position in 1556, with his brother taking over the empire. While both failed to halt the spread of Protestantism, Ferdinand established his legitimacy with approval from the Estates. Ferdinand II called for the establishment of a Catholic-led council to hinder the influence of the Brethren and the Lutherans, although it was dismissed by the Romans. Many Czechs by the 1540s had sided with the Lutherans and paid a heavy price, with Czech members of the Brethren being tortured, their property confiscated, and prosecuted, although this did not stop their growth.

After Ferdinand II succeeded his brother Charles V as King of Germany and the Holy Roman Empire for 8 years, his son became an arbiter of the Catholic faith. Maximillian II (r. 1564-76) promoted appeasement over force and was tolerant of the Lutherian and the Brethren. His successor Emperor Rudolf II (r. 1575-1608/11), also adopted Protestantism later during his reign, as Europe had become split between the Protestant North and Catholic South. He focused more on the arts and sciences than rulership, and decreed Prague as the new capital. One of more notable moments was in 1609, where he declared religious tolerance and freedom for his Protestant subjects, much to the fury of the Catholic party. 

Disposed from his failure to diminish the spread of Protestantism, Rudolf II was deposed and replaced by Emperor Matthias (r. 1612-19), who was much more aligned with the Catholic party’s anti reformationist ideals. His older age meant a short reign, but his rule marked the end of Bohemian sovereignty. Nations became split between religious ideology, with Czech schools and society hindered under the Habsburg crown. Anti-Habsburg sentiments grew, and Matthias was soon replaced by the fanatical Ferdinand II, whose reign would bring about the horrific Thirty Years War and the end of Bohemia as an independent Kingdom. King Ferdinand II of the Spanish Habsburgs sought to centralize power and establish a Catholic theocracy. Bohemia faced interference in previously agreed-upon agreements to allow the establishment of Protestant churches. The war ended with the loss of independence for Bohemia after the Battle of White Mountain in 1620, although fighting continued as proclaimed King Frederick refused to back down. By 1622, he was ready with around 40,000 men to retaliate. 

Wallenstein rejected offers from the Protestant forces and fought alongside the Imperial forces. He amassed wealth and a personal army by 1625 after his victories at White Mountain and in subsequent battles. This Czech-born officer would help defeat the remaining Protestant forces, although he would later be assassinated in 1634. Ferdinand II himself would pass away in 1637, with his son Ferdinand III being crowned as emperor, and the war finally ending by 1648.

Czech soldiers in the Austro-Hungarian military 

Sources:

• Crankshaw, Edward. The Habsburgs: Portrait of a Dynasty. Viking Press, 1971, 57-257.

• Polišenský, Josef V. History of Czechoslovakia in Outline. Sphinx Publishers, 1948. (55-103)

• Monroe, W. S. Bohemia and the Čechs : The History, People, Institutions, and the Geography of the Kingdom, Together with Accounts of Moravia and Silesia / by Will S. Monroe. G. Bell, 1918, pp.107-155.

• WATSON, ALEXANDER. “Managing an ‘Army of Peoples’: Identity, Command and Performance in the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1914–1918.” Contemporary European History, vol. 25, no. 2, 2016, pp. 233–51. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/26294099.  Accessed 25 June 2025.

• Stone, Norman. “Army and Society in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1900-1914.” Past & Present, no. 33, 1966, pp. 95–111. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/649804. Accessed 25 June 2025. 

• Mutschlechner, Martin. “The Czechs in the Habsburg Monarchy.” Der Erste Weltkrieg, 17 Aug. 2014, ww1.habsburger.net/en/chapters/czechs-habsburg-monarchy. 

• Davies, Brian L. Warfare in Eastern Europe, 1500-1800. Brill, 2012, 35-61, 199-248.

• Tracy, James D. Balkan Wars: Habsburg Croatia, Ottoman Bosnia, and Venetian Dalmatia, 1499-1617. 1st ed., The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, 2016. (135-43, 186-190, 271-276, 324-329, 361-366 for direct involvement of Bohemia)

The people of Bohemia made up the third largest ethnic group in the Habsburg monarchy, with Bohemia spanning the lands of Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia. They held deep rivalries with the German-speaking peoples of Austria and Germany, even in the military. It was significant to the industrial capabilities of the Habsburg monarchy, and around 6.7 million had declared themselves of Czech origin by 1910. They formed a significant portion of the Habsburg armed forces and served in several armed conflicts across Europe and Western Asia. The 1500s and onwards saw the modernization of warfare from medieval weaponry such as swords and spears, and troop positioning towards wheellock firearms, naval combat, artillery, and the retirement of plate armor. Hajduks were armed men ranging from freedom fighters to bandits, with Czech, Slovak, and other ethnic groups becoming hajduks. They were known for their involvement in fighting off Ottoman troops repeated military invasions from the Ottoman Empire.

By the early 1900s, Czechs in the military of the Habsburg Monarchy were amongst a diverse cast of armed forces within the Common Army, with posters often displaying translations for up to 15 languages. The officer corps meanwhile was composed mainly of Germanic officers, with Czech officers needing to become bilingual in German and being far rarer in comparison. Reserves from middle-class populations were typically German, while Czechs and Slovaks made up lower-class reserve units. Making up 17% of the population in total, Czechs made 12.9% of all recruits and Slovaks 3.6%. Meanwhile, Czechs were less than 5% of active officers and 9.7% on reserve, and Slovaks were not given any officer positions, with less than a percent officially on reserve. This was only permitted as the Habsburg army was in need of educated men, as they held distrust of the Czech reserves over a rising nationalist movement. In the later years of the Great War, Slavic groups such as the Slovaks were permitted to become reserve officers. 

The army itself was seen as the most stable element of the monarchy, as the Austria-Hungarian Empire was on the verge of internal collapse by 1918. Habsburg war efforts were led by the Imperial and Royal War Ministry. However, the army faced numerous crises including a lack of funding, waning firearms production compared to other nations (with the Habsburg military seeing their production budget less than doubled, while nations such as Russia had more than tripled theirs), and only half of adult males being properly trained for combat.  Breakdowns in communication amongst the reserve officers occurred over linguistic issues, as many only spoke their native tongue in an army of many ethnicities and nationalities. This led to incidents from non-German-speaking civilians, including Czech ethnic civilians. 

Czech military identity under imperial rule 

Sources:

• Borchardt, Karl. “National Rivalry among Hospitallers?: The Case of Bohemia and Austria, 1392-1555.” Medievalista on Line, no. 30, 2021, pp. 203–45, https://doi.org/10.4000/medievalista.4535

• Mutschlechner, Martin. “The Lack of Alternatives: The Attitude of the Czechs towards the Habsburg Monarchy at the Outbreak of the War.” Der Erste Weltkrieg, 17 Aug. 2014, ww1.habsburger.net/en/chapters/lack-alternatives-attitude-czechs-towards-habsburg-monarchy-outbreak-war.

• Polišenský, Josef V. History of Czechoslovakia in Outline. Sphinx Publishers, 1948. (55-103)

• WATSON, ALEXANDER. “Managing an ‘Army of Peoples’: Identity, Command and Performance in the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1914–1918.” Contemporary European History, vol. 25, no. 2, 2016, pp. 233–51. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/26294099.  Accessed 25 June 2025.

• Stone, Norman. “Army and Society in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1900-1914.” Past & Present, no. 33, 1966, pp. 95–111. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/649804. Accessed 25 June 2025. 

Czech attitudes towards the Habsburg leadership were mixed, as they felt protected by the strength of the empire, but also saw themselves as trapped and denied their right to autonomy as a nation. Although they reluctantly declared fealty to the empire, by 1914, discontent was present amongst civilians. Although there were no large-scale rebellions initially, as feared, there was also no love for the Habsburg Empire’s militaristic goals, with sympathy even being given to their Slavic neighbors who were allied with the Entente forces. 

The Knights Hospitaller order, a military organization under the authority of the Catholic Church, showcased that tensions existed between military personnel even before the administrative takeover of the Kingdom of Bohemia. The Hospitaller order separated itself into langues or “tongues” based on ethnicity rather than national origin, with 8 tongues being established by 1462. Bohemia and Austria were one priory and under the Holy Roman Empire tongue, but Bohemian Hospitallers retained their Czech language and cultural identity. This organization did not abide by political rivalries or borders, but rather simply followed geographical and organization lines. This led to confrontations within Bohemia’s priory as several ethnicities and languages were forced under one organization. 

This was demonstrated when Fr. Johann Schenk, Lieutenant for Austria, and Fr. Otto Lembucher, Commander of Mailberg, faced a severe dispute that escalated to violence and extortion, with Lembucher being backed by Duke Albert III of Austria. Schenk was under the command of the Bohemian prior, with the Bohemian kings and dukes of Austria, who sought to challenge Bohemian oversight using the Hospitaller order for their political games. To avoid risking further escalation, the Bohemian avoided condemning Albert, much to their chagrin. This relationship was further complicated following the Hussite Revolutions and the rise of the Habsburg dynasty, with the Bohemian prior conflicting with the directives of the papacy and the Habsburg imperials. Although the Hussite wars severely weakened the standing of the Bohemian Hospitallers in the Catholic church, the church decided that embracing them under their umbrella was preferable following the Thirty Years' War.

Support for the deployment of the Habsburgs’ Common Army was widespread initially. But by 1916, the Czechs and other groups, seen as subservient to the Germans and Austrians, began questioning the monarchy. Although the Common Army in WWI was designed to imbue loyalty towards imperial rule, it was segment by nationalistic differences. Many struggled over the necessity of speaking German, with a version of German mixed with Slavic influences being used to communicate with troops. Suspicions were rampant over strife amongst the Czech people, leading to suspicions of an expanding nationalist movement that threatened the Habsburgs’ authority.  Much of these suspicions were arguably misattributed to nationalism rather than resentments over the decision making of the military leadership. Regardless, there were examples of internal dissonance and desertion, such as when the Habsburg army faced an internal conspiracy to undermine the army led by Ljudevit Pivko in 1917, with Czech officers being amongst the conspirators. Outbreaks of violence and anti-imperial revolts occurred from civilians and soldiers over increasing resentments over Germanic and Austrian favoritism from the Habsburg leadership, along with rising anti-war sentiments. Tensions regarding Czech and Slovak units were further strained as thousands of prisoners joined the Imperial Russian army as part of the Czechoslovak Legion against the Habsburg monarchy.

Major conflicts: Ottoman wars, Napoleonic Wars 

Sources:

• Davies, Brian L. Warfare in Eastern Europe, 1500-1800. Brill, 2012. (35-61, 199-248)

• Pike, John. “The Habsburg Military.” GlobalSecurity, 23 May 2019, https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/europe/at-kuk-heer.htm.  

• Tracy, James D. Balkan Wars: Habsburg Croatia, Ottoman Bosnia, and Venetian Dalmatia, 1499-1617. 1st ed., The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, 2016. (135-43, 186-190, 271-276, 324-329, 361-366 for direct involvement of Bohemia)

• Polišenský, Josef V. History of Czechoslovakia in Outline. Sphinx Publishers, 1948. (55-103)

• Crankshaw, Edward. The Habsburgs: Portrait of a Dynasty. Viking Press, 1971, 131-227.

• “The War of the Spanish Succession: First World War of Modern Times.” The Royal Hampshire Regiment Museum, 14 Nov. 2022, www.royalhampshireregiment.org/about-the-museum/timeline/war-spanish-succession/. 

• “War of the Spanish Succession.” National Army Museum, www.nam.ac.uk/explore/spanish-succession. Accessed 13 Aug. 2025. 

• “War of the Spanish Succession (1701-14).” Royal Collection Trust, militarymaps.rct.uk/war-of-the-spanish-succession-1701-14. Accessed 13 Aug. 2025. 

Czechs and Slovaks would participate in many wars and conflicts throughout the reign of the Habsburg dynasty:

Following the crowning of Ferdinand, the Sultan laid siege to Vienna on 27 September 1529, and although his numbers far exceeded Ferdinand I’s standing army, they lost much of their siege cannons during their trek to Vienna, with the Ottoman army eventually retreating after much resistance. Taking advantage of this blunder, Hungary and the Habsburgs sought to establish a militarized borderland to the southeast known as the military frontier established as Ferdinand I was well aware of the Sultan’s burning desire to snatch control over Vienna, capital of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire. Lacking a clear military policy until the late 1540s, they settled on keeping Ottoman forces at bay in Croatia and Hungary. This changed with the fall of the capital of Hungary, Buda, on August 29, 1541. Further losses from a failed attempt to reclaim the empire would see the military frontier established far nearer to the Austrian border by 1543. Although Vienna was under further threat, natural features along with reinforced and new castles bolstered the border system. Sultan Suleyman would sign a treaty 2 years later, with Hungary being split. His occupation continued until 1568, however, as he did not give up on his goals of conquering Vienna, with Hungary becoming the dividing line that kept the Ottoman Empire out of Central Europe. 

• The Military Frontier

New considerations for border policy of Hungary commenced in the later 1550s within Vienna and Pozsony, where several factors were discussed in creating defense zones around Croatia and Hungary. The Habsburg territories of Austria and Bohemia ended up carrying Hungary’s financial burden for its defense. The Aulic War Council starting in 1556 convened on creating a universal defense strategy, with a need for experienced soldiers and officers to counter the Ottomans. Eventually by 1560 this border extended all the way from the Adriatic Sea and toward the Transylvanian and was composed of 100-120 fortresses. The main fortresses could carry a garrison of between 1,000-1,500 men, with secondary fortresses carrying 400-600 and the smallest 100-300. These fortresses were assigned into 6 defense zones led by captains with one central fortress, Komarom in Danube, being the center of defense operations for Vienna. This was reinforced with a new flotilla of naval ships along with castles of 300-500 men along the Croatian and Slovenian borders. The military frontier was finally established as a dual organization whose leadership was split between the Border Fortress Captain Generalcy, whose authority was derived from the Aulic War Council, and the District Captain Generalcy, whose powers were owed to the nobility.

This system would remain as is until 1577, when it was decided that the fortress border plan needed to be reexamined and modernized. Flaws were examined at an August military conference along with opportunities for offensive strategies against inevitable raids by the Ottomans, who had been gathering military intelligence over the years. Internal debate about whether to adopt an active defense strategy or to use the armored border to strike first went on, as while the Chrisitan forces held superior firearms technology revamped military tactics, taking consideration of the need for funding (which was already strained in funding the military frontier), logistical shortcomings in the Habsburg army, and the need to maintain diplomatic relations meant that a conservative approach was deemed more feasible. The Border Captain Generalcies were reorganized into new defense zones that better utilized the terrain, creating natural barriers through flooding, demolishing forests, and creating hazards that would impede invaders. Old castles and fortifications were renovated into modern fortress cities, with some having architectural influences from fortresses in Italy for example. The inner Austrian noble estates were handed over the southern Croatian and Slovenian border generalcies by the Aulic Council as a means of centralization and covering potential flanking risk, with the estates forming the Inner Austrian War Council in January 1578. Lastly consideration was given to improving fortress resupply operations led by the Chief Arsenal Officer, along with a suggested reorganization of the border defense administration, with many of the proposed reforms established by the 1580s.

• Thirteen Years' War (1593–1606) 

Also referred to as the Long Turkish War, it would be initiated in 1593 by the King of Bohemia and Roman Emperor Rudolf II (r. 1576-1612) in his attempts to establish Christian dominance, with the war later showcasing that restraint and defense was the optimal move in waging war against the Ottoman army. Although by the 1590s the Ottoman Janissary units had begun adopting musket volley tactics and new weapons technology, the Sultan, Murad III, had ascended to the throne in 1574 and was seen then as an insufficient leader with promiscuous habits. The Habsburgs meanwhile had undergone a series of military reformations over the last few decades that had allowed the Empire to repel repeated assaults, with 20,000 military personnel ready at the Hungarian-Croatian military frontier and whose numbers surpassed any other standing army in Europe. The Ottomans, however, had major military successes capturing cities and fortresses such as Bihac in 1593, Eger in 1596, and Kanizsa in 1600. This was likely due to the administrative and financial structures of the Habsburg Monarchy, as they still had far fewer resources and territory, and were nowhere near as experienced in siege warfare. Their total military forces still soared above Vienna’s military and they even had the advantage of having created a sophisticated resupply-chain system. The Habsburgs meanwhile had most of their army garrisoned at the border fortresses, and relied on financial support from their allies. Although Vienna and the Habsburg Empire technically won the war, it was only after losing significant territory and supplementing their forces with allied Habsburg units, ending with the 1606 Treaty of Zsitvatorok and the threat of occupation still looming, eventually leading to future conflicts such as the Great Turkish War.

The War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1714)

The Spanish Empire was in outright turmoil following the death of Charles II of Spain in November 1700. Holy Roman Emperor Joseph I was pulled into a war started by his father, Emperor Leopold I, against King Louis XIV of France. A plot was formed to secure his older brother Charles as the future King of Spain, supported by Prussia, England, Holland, and the Holy Roman Empire, and later Portugal and Savoy by 1703 as part of the Grand Alliance. Fighting against the forces of Philip of Anjou, grandson of Louis XIV of France, the war would last until 1714, with Philip of Anjou being recognized as the King of Spain with the passing of the Treaties of Utrecht in 1713, and both Rastatt and Baden in 1714. 

The War of the Austrian Succession (1740-1748)

On April 17, 1711, Emperor Joseph I was infected with smallpox following an epidemic and amidst continued fighting over the Spanish crown. Newly throned Charles VI would then assume control of the Austrian territories including Bohemia and Moravia. His reign lacked any major conflict as the Austrian Habsburgs gained major territory in Italy and the Netherlands, although they would also cede some territories following losses to the Ottoman Empire. April 19, 1713 would see Charles VI enacting the Pragmatic Sanction of 1713 to ensure that his daughter would be the rightful heir to the Habsburg hereditary lands. His death on October 20, 1740 was arguably his biggest mark on the Habsburg dynasty as it would spark a frenzy as without any male heirs, many would contest Charles’ daughter Maria Theresa’s right to the throne in what would become the War of the Austrian Succession.

Seven Years' War (1756-1763)

This a massive 18th century military conflict between European and Asian powers that would later spill onto the Americas and elsewhere. Bohemia military units under the Habsburg Empire, ruled by Holy Roman Empress and Queen of Bohemia Maria Theresa (r. 1743-1780), would become involved with Austrian desires to regain control of the region of Silesia which was priorly lost to the Prussians under the reign of King Frederick the II of Prussia during the War of the Austrian Succession (1740–48). Having inherited an army diminished by the loss of generals who were imprisoned for failing to fight off the Turks, along with a declining empire whose allies and neighbors were plotting to cut up and take for themselves, Queen Theresa faced challenges from her cousin Charles Albert of Bavaria, who sought the throne for himself, along with the King of Prussia Frederick II (r. 1740-86), who resented Queen Theresa’s crowning. He began a campaign in December 1740 that grew out of control and lasted decades. Having demolished the Austrian forces with about 30,000 Prussian troops, Theresa retaliated but found her freed generals waning in their leadership prowess, and her English allies reluctant to assist for fear of antagonizing Prussian ally France. 

Despite this caution, French forces were already planning to take advantage of Austria's struggles led by general Belle-Isle. Although he had ambitious plans to carve out Austria, his plans were disrupted by Queen Theresa’s relentless pursuit to reclaim Silesia, and in failing that to drive out the French and Bavarian forces out of Vienna and Prague while retaliating against the Spaniards and French occupied Italy.. Requesting aid from the Hungarians, she would find herself losing Prague and later Silesia, with Charles Albert claiming himself king of Bohemia while losing the capital of Bavaria. By 1743, Queen Theresa had her coronation as Queen of Bohemia and believed that the war would be overwhelmingly won, but the fighting continued until the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748. Prussia had control over Silesia under Frederick the Great and Queen Thresea realized she was in great need of new ministers and advisors for her military, new trainers and schools, as well as funding, pushing her to tax the wealthy estates which was a novel and controversial idea. She also believed that the peasantry could not be dismissed as disposable units, believing that an edge lied in looking for those with hidden potential to bolster her army. She assigned Friedrich Wilhelm von Haugwitz with these reformations in mind as he implemented taxes for funding an army of 108,000 men, with men from many nationalities including Czech and Slovak peoples being assigned to serve the Habsburg crown over their respective nations. Additionally, chosen officers were reprioritized based on talents rather than noble blood status, with the army having gone through such a dramatic redesign. 

• Third Silesian War (1756-1763)

Determined to take back Silesia even without allied support, Queen Theresa and her advisors waited to take advantage of any mistakes, with England in 1756 making a deal with Prussia to protect Hanover amid security anxieties, angering both France and Russia in the process. The Habsburgs would find themselves allied with Russia and France against England, Prussia, and Holland. Defense treaties between nations would pull many factions into the fold as Theresa found her resilience against these invaders expanding into a multi-continental conflict. Although Austria never recovered Silesia, it came back as a more sound nation.

The Austrian-Habsburg forces saw their first major victory at the Battle of Kolin on June 1757 in Bohemia, with Habsburg commander Leopold Daun defeating Frederick the Great’s forces, and again in Hochkirch in the fall of 1758 with Daun being assisted by commanders Laudon and Lacy. Frederick lost once more fighting the Russians and Commander Laudon in 1759. This did not dissuade him however as the conflict continued and by 1761 France had exited the conflict and Russia in 1762, with Austria by itself and Queen Theresa regretting the conflict. The war would end with a stalemate with territories being returned to their pre-Seven Year War status with the Treaty of Hubertusburg in 1763.

Napoleonic Wars (1803-1815)

The Habsburg Monarchy was involved significantly in the Napoleonic Wars, mainly opposing Napoleon and France’s militaristic ambitions except for a short alliance against Prussia, eventually leading to Napoleon's downfall. Bohemia remained supportive of Austria’s efforts in an official manner, although begrudgingly so. Spanning over multiple coalitions and campaigns, Austria would enter the fray with Francis II (r. 1792-1835), positioned as the last Holy Roman Emperor, the first Emperor of Austria in 1804, and the King of Bohemia. Following Austria’s defeat at the hands of the French army and General and later Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte (r.1804-1814) during the French Revolutions and the War of the Second Coalition, which sought to contain the French Republic and preserve the legitimacy of monarch rulership, they would continue their conflict along with several European coalitions against the Empire of France. 

Napoleon had previously used his military pressure to force the disbanding of the Holy Roman Empire with the 1806 Treaty of Pressburg. Francis II’s easy-going and lax personality was not conducive to leading a military campaign, and was dethroned and humiliated. Francis II in the aftermath would reconvene with various European powers with the help of his foreign minister, Prince von Metternich, who served as spy-master and directed Austrian politics. Austria itself was politically and militaristically isolated in 1805, only gaining more influence with Metternich’s ascension to office in Vienna in 1809 and Austria rejoining the conflict against Napoleon.

• War of the Fifth Coalition, 1809

Napoleon’s forces had been waging war on European nations attempting to resist the expansion of a French Hegemony well into the early 1800s, with Habsburg controlled Austria managing to avoid the fighting until an opportunity arose. With Germany and Italy under the subjugation of France, the Habsburg monarchy sought to restore their territorial rights and expand their influence under the guise of resisting French imperialism by taking advantage of the French army’s defeats in Spain. Preparations began in late 1808 with calvary, artillery, and army unites were organized into army units, with tens of thousands of troops on horseback and several hundreds equipped with musket arms. Archduke Charles, brother of emperor Francis II, would lead the main offensive front with around 190,00 men against Napoleon's forces starting with a starting offensive in the French-controlled state of Bavaria, south of the Danube River, on April 9th, 1809. Smaller armies were assigned to Spain, northern Italy, and Croatia simultaneously to undermine Napoleon’s hold over these regions, with the Austria-Hungarian army striking the French first. Initial success was found in routing Napoleon’s army and advancing past the Isar river in Bavaria towards French forces near the towns of Regensburg and Landshut. Despite early victories however, a counterattack was successfully launched by French forces led by Marshal Devout at the Battle of Eckmühl. Charles led a retreat towards Vienna, and by May had lost around 60,000 soldiers in his primary army.

In the wake of their defeat, other nations such as Prussia remained reluctant to support Austria’s ambitions against Napoleon’s forces. Charles and his army retreated into Bohemia while Napoleon moved towards Vienna with attempts to capitulate the capital, only to be postponed by sabotaged bridges and troops stationed at the Danube flank. Napoleon and his army of 180,000 strong then came into contact with Charle’s forces on May 20th, with heavy fighting breaking out over 2 days near the villages of Aspern and Essling in Austria. The Battle of Aspern-Essling seemingly turned the tides of the war towards the Habsburgs. With Napoleon retreating after losing 30,000 troops, and Charles around 23,000. Although seemingly a pyrrhic victory, Napoleon’s authority was successfully challenged and his military reputation stained, leading to a treaty being signed known as the Peace of Vienna in October, 1809 in order to prevent further escalation. Still, this victory came at a significant loss of territory as Emperor and king Francis II lost large swaths of his land and millions of citizens to France, ensuring that future conflict would arise.

• War of the Sixth and Seventh Coalition, 1812–1814, 1815

Prince Metternich’s administration during the early 1800s was seen as overly oppressive by Bohemians, who feared persecution over questioning the Habsburg’s rulership. Metternich himself was stationed in France and worked to maintain peace between the Habsburgs and the French Empire, until relations began to collapse between France, the Prussians led by Frederick William III, and Russia led by Alexander I in 1812. Austria this time was obliged to assist Napoleon’s invasion campaign of Russia as per the Treaty of Paris signed earlier that year, with Metternich and Francis II seeking to gain political favor with France. The invasion began on June 24, 1812, with Austria supplying Napoleon with 30,00 men. This would not last long as the invasion became an infamous disaster, with the Russian forces biddening their time in the winter, with the heavy snow becoming a war of attrition with Napoleon’s army against the elements. The extreme weather led to attempts at retreat, with hundreds of thousands being lost to frostbite or abandonment, with only 100,000 casualties being estimated to be from battle.

The disaster of the invasion attempt led Austria, Prussia and other nations in August 1813 to form a new alliance to abdicate France’s hold over Europe, with Napoleon’s failure to conquer Moscow becoming indicative of his future failures. Austria supplied a contingent of around 127,000 soldiers to the 6th coalition, forming the Army of Bohemia under Prince Schwarzenberg of Austria with assistance from Alexander I of of Russia and Frederick William III’s Prussian forces, forming an eventual total of 250,000 men. This army’s contributions led to the loss of Dresden in Eastern Germany as allied forces converged towards France’s borders in the 1813 War of Liberation. Napoleon would soon be overwhelmed and removed from power by 1814 as Sixth Coalition forces poured into France’s capital. Austria would become significant in the restructuring of power in Europe post Napoleon while assisting the Seventh Coalition in defeating the remaining French loyalist forces in 1815.

Austro-Prussian War (14 June – 22 July 1866)

Fought between Austria-Hungarian forces and Prussia, one of the Habsburgs’ longest standing rivals, Francis Joseph I (r. 1848-1916) , Emperor of Austria and King of Bohemia and other territories, saw himself suffering a major blow to Austria’s power over Hungary and other nations to Prussia, which continued to expand its hegemony over Europe. Prussia was under the leadership of King William I and prime minister turned Prince Otto von Bismarck-Schönhausen, with the latter assuming office in 1862 and holding Napoleonic ambitions to wrestle control away from the German Diet, which had long held influence over Central Europe. This would come with a declaration of war against Francis Joseph I, as Bismarck would begin his attack with a historical first Blitzkrieg on June 16, 1866. The Austrian forces were quickly overrun and soon launched a desperate defense led by Commander Benedek in July at what would become the Battle of Königgrätz in Bohemia, the largest battle during the war. It led to significant losses on both sides with the Prussians claiming victory and Francis Joseph signing the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867, a treaty that separated Hungary and Austria as two administrative states: Austria-Hungary.

III. World War I and the Czechoslovak Legion

Causes of Czech opposition to Austro-Hungarian rule

Sources:

• Monroe, W. S. Bohemia and the Čechs : The History, People, Institutions, and the Geography of the Kingdom, Together with Accounts of Moravia and Silesia / by Will S. Monroe. G. Bell, 1918, pp.50-156.

• “Czechs and Slovaks Fighting for Independence during World War One.” Europena, Europeana Foundation, 19 July 2018, www.europeana.eu/en/stories/czechs-and-slovaks-fighting-for-independence-during-world-war-one. 

• Lein, Richard. “The Military Conduct of the Austro-Hungarian Czechs in the First World War.” The Historian (Kingston), vol. 76, no. 3, 2014, pp. 518–49, https://doi.org/10.1111/hisn.12046.

• Slačálek, Ondřej. “The Paradoxical Czech Memory of the Habsburg Monarchy: Satisfied Helots or Crippled Citizens?” Slavic Review 78.4 (2019): 912–920.

• Benes, Jakub S. “THE GREEN CADRES AND THE COLLAPSE OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY IN 1918.” Past & Present, vol. 236, no. 236, gtx028, 2017, https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtx028, 1-31.

• Crankshaw, Edward. The Habsburgs: Portrait of a Dynasty. Viking Press, 1971, 228-257.

Discontent had been brewing among recruited Czech and Slovak soldiers and reserve officers within the many ethnic minorities that formed the Austrian-Hungarian army well before the Great War. Bohemian citizens had become wary of their increasing loss of autonomy, especially in the 19th century under Prince Metternich. Mettenich practically ruled with an iron fist in place of Emperor Francis II and later Ferdinand IV (1835-48). While seen as a reign of governance that was stable and relatively prosperous, more and more saw the Habsburg monarchy as a repressive entity that enforced Germanic supremacy over Czech and Slovak identities and cultures, and while they would not openly challenge initially, movements for the reformation of Bohemia in Austria-Hungary as a federalized republic began to emerge during the reign of Habsburg’s last monarch, King of Austria and Bohemia Franz Joseph I (r. 1848-1916).

King Franz Joseph found himself in effect a scapegoat for the sharp decline of the Habsburgs’ control over their empire, having himself established neo-absolutism in the mid-1800s to further the centralization of administrative control of Bohemia and all other states under Austria. Czech resentments over the loss of land rights following the establishment of a dual state between Austria and Hungary, following the Austro-Prussian war, saw Czech citizens demanding compensation and political reformation. Furthermore, many nations, including the entirety of Europe, found themselves strung along by war treaties that compelled to aid their allies, creating a political powder keg. This would ignite on June 28, 1914 with the infamous assassination of the heir to the Austria-Hungarian throne, Francis Ferdinand I, brother of Emperor Franz Joseph I. Following a declaration of war against Serbia, several treaties were activated that would draw much of the world into a 4 year conflict of unprecedented scale.

Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk became one of the most important figures of Czechoslovakian independence, having worked as a professor of philosophy in Prague since 1882. His proposition of transitioning the monarchy into a federalized republic led to his ostracization by the Habsburgs, pushing him to help create the Czechoslovak Legions starting in August, 1914 as a means of fighting back. Within the Habsburg army itself, military morale amongst Czech and Slovak troops were adversely affected by tensions over internal propaganda that non-Austrian and Hungarian troops lacked loyalty and conviction, being used to explain unit performance and heavy losses. This fear was in part due to minor incidents blowing up  into accusations of rejection of Germanic authority as part of the Habsburg state constantly overanalyzing the loyalty of troops and politicians. And while Czech and Slovak citizens were initially patriotic and supportive of the war efforts, rising losses in late 1914 amongst the troops and even officers led some to question whether the war was worth fighting. Czech Soldiers in the 28th and 36th Infantry Regiments for example saw heavy losses on the Russian front, with their unit performance initially blamed on exposure to pan-Slavic propaganda. After 1915 Czech soldiers saw increased combat proficiency in the wake of structuralization changes in leadership, overhauls to supply-chains, and improved combat training, although this was handwaved by officials as being the result of Czech soldiers not having to fight Slavic brothers. When losses were suffered, it was because of the soldier's lack of will and discipline. These prejudices damaged the credibility of the Habsburg military command in the eyes of Czech and Slovak soldiers, with this strain worsening as the war went on.

This perceived untrustworthiness coalesced in a December 1917 report titled The Conduct of the Czechs in the World War, accusing troops of mass desertion and treason. While lacking much basis, it emboldened defectors of the Habsburg army and enraged Czech officers. Following failures of the 35th and 75th Infantry Regiment to repel a Russian onslaught, many soldiers of Czech and other nationalities, with the exceptions of those of Hungarian origin, were condemned as not having fought hard enough and willingly led themselves be captured by Russian forces, ensuring that mutiny and desertion would become prevalent by the end of the war.

• Green Cadres

Austrian-Hungarian even began to face local resistance in the later half of the war within villages and the countryside from deserters and peasants resisting recruitment efforts. These Green Cadres (AKA ‘Green Guards’ or ‘Green Brigades’) were formed amid pre-existing desires for nationalism and resentment towards the royals in addition to prisoners who were inspired by the Russian Bolshevik Revolution. While a loose movement which lost relevance after 1918 due to its ties to communism and its lack of ties to any recognized political party, members of the Green Cadres enacted brutal  guerrilla tactics onto the Habsburg army across Austria-Hungary including Czechian lands.. They became recognized by the citizenry, being viewed by some as bandits and others as romanticized freedom fighters, with their presence being found in Bohemian and Moravarian pubs. They were respected until the end of 1918, as the Habsburg Monarchy collapsed with the end of the war and the Cadres fell into infighting and looting. Still, their actions would have an adverse impact on the Czech and Slovak peoples breaking away from Germanic rulership and achieving independence, with the establishment of a republic after centuries of Habsburg rule.

Formation and campaigns of the Czechoslovak Legion (Russia, France, Italy) 

Sources:

• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Czechoslovak_Legion 

• “Czechs and Slovaks Fighting for Independence during World War One.” Europena, Europeana Foundation, 19 July 2018, www.europeana.eu/en/stories/czechs-and-slovaks-fighting-for-independence-during-world-war-one. 

• Scarlata, Paul. “WEAPONS OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK LEGION IN RUSSIA, 1917-1920, PART 1.” Firearms News, vol. 73, no. 5, 2019, pp. 46-.

• Scarlata, Paul. “WEAPONS OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK LEGION IN RUSSIA, 1917-1920, PART 2.” Firearms News, vol. 73, no. 6, 2019, pp. 54-.

• Scarlata, Paul. “WEAPONS OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK LEGION IN RUSSIA, 1917-1920, PART 3.” Firearms News, vol. 73, no. 7, 2019, pp. 48-.

• Kennan, George F. “The Czechoslovak Legion.” The Russian Review (Stanford), vol. 16, no. 4, 1957, pp. 3–16, https://doi.org/10.2307/125745.

• Kennan, George. “The Czechoslovak Legion: II.” The Russian Review (Stanford), vol. 17, no. 1, 1958, pp. 11–28, https://doi.org/10.2307/125722.

• Fic, Victor M. The Bolsheviks and the Czechoslovak Legion : The Origin of Their Armed Conflict, March-May 1918. First edition., Abhinav Publications, 1978.

• Dziak, Robert. The Czechoslovak Legions in World War I. 2012.

• Johnson, Erick. “An Army with No Country: The Czechoslovak Legion in Europe.” Czech Center Museum Houston, 11 Nov. 2021, www.czechcenter.org/blog/2021/11/11/an-army-with-no-country-the-czechoslovak-legion-in-europe. 

• Johnson, Erick. “An Army with No Country: A Siberian Odyssey.” Czech Center Museum Houston, 17 Nov. 2021, www.czechcenter.org/blog/2021/11/17/an-army-with-no-country-a-siberian-odysseynbsp.

• Johnstone, Chris. “The Czechoslovak Legions: Myth, Reality, Gold and Glory.” Radio Prague International, 18 Oct. 2010, english.radio.cz/czechoslovak-legions-myth-reality-gold-and-glory-8571034.  

The split between reserve officers of various nationalities within the Habsburg army during WWI led to a splinter in unity within the leadership, especially with the rise of a nationalist movement by the Czech people who sought independence from the Habsburg monarchy. The Russians converted 45,500 Habsburg prisoners including captured companies of the Infantry Regiment 36 and the Infantry Regiment 28 into a volunteer legion of Czech and Slovak soldiers to fight against Austria-Hungary and the Central Powers. Formed by Masaryk (eventual president of the first Czechoslovak Republic) and others, the Legions supported the efforts of the allies in repelling Austria-Hungary and the Central powers. Over the course of the war, the legion’s numbers swelled to almost 150,000 men and women, proudly serving abroad in Siberia and all across the Western European frontlines!

Their Founding

Composed initially of POWs and Czech/Slovak nationals living in Russian cities or the countryside region of Volhynia, alongside those residing in France during the outbreak of the war, it was started by the Russian High command as the Ceska Druzhina (Czech Company) under the reign of Tsar Nicholas II. Czech prisoners were enticed to join the unit if not already ordered to as they resented Austria-Hungary’s hold over their fellow Bohemian brethren, being treated as second class citizens despite making up a third of the Habsburg’s population and being responsible for most of the empire’s industrial development. This unit was commanded by Russian officers and would slowly grow with more prisoners and volunteers pouring in.

Czech activists including Tomáš Masaryk came to realize the potential opportunity that the Legion could bring to Czech and Slovak peoples still under the rulership of the Habsburgs. Masaryk on the behalf of the Czechoslovak National Council, first formed in Paris in November, 1916, attempted to organize these units into an independent combat regiment that could help the Triple Entente forces while at the same time showcasing the military contributions of Czechslovakian soldiers in promoting the ideal of Czech and Slovak nationalism. The Tsarist government rejected this request out of fears of similar nationalistic movements from ethnic minorities being birthed in Russia. After the 1917 Revolution led by the Bolshevik Party under Vladimir Lenin deposed the Tsarist administration, however, the Druzhina unit was allowed to become a full member of the Russian Army as the Czech Corps. 

Masaryk would petition the Russian government to allow the Czech Corps to be released from the Eastern front to assist European allies in the West, but to no avail. The Tsar appreciated the legionnaires’ valiant efforts but did not wish to risk breaking the accords of the 1907 Hague Convention, as the Czech and Slovak peoples remained citizens under the Habsburg Monarchy, and supporting the nationalistic goals of the Czechoslovak National Council could compromise the legitimacy of monarchies such as his. Many would leave the Corps to join the 1st Czechoslovak Rifle Brigade as a means of gaining political credibility for their nation building goals. Despite gaining support of the Allied nations and using the significant Czechslovkian military community in Russia to try and gain favor with the Russian provisional government, hesitation still remained until evidence surfaced that the Central Powers utilized poison gas and restricted submarine warfare, violating the Conventions. An independent and autonomous Czechoslovak army was soon formed and recognized in December 1917 by allied forces under French High Command, serving all over Europe and making their mark on Czech history.

France Campaign

The Ceska Druzhina unit's first official deployment would be to France on August 31, 1914, joining the French Foreign Legion’s Moroccan division in driving out German and Austria-Hungarian forces. Made up primarily of Czech expat volunteers living in France, they would deploy as the “Compagnie NAZDAR”. They would face major fighting at Arras, losing many troops but also defining themselves as a competent military force. Tomáš Masaryk would begin helping to organize NAZDAR company over the years, and by 1917 would bring reinforcements consisting of American Czech troops, as well as troops from Romania and Russia. Eventually the 21st and 22nd Rifle Regiments of the newly formed Czechslovak Legion would be assigned to reinforce the Western frontlines, with the 21st being assigned to Cognac. Both would form the First Czechoslovak Brigade in Darney and would face heavy fighting near the end of the war.

Italy Campaign

The Italian military was far less welcoming to the inclusion of foreign Czech units as Italy was unconcerned with the desire for the dissolution of the Austria-Hungarian empire. Additionally, Italians were unfamiliar with the Czechs and felt distant. Several POW camps began filling up with captured Czech and Slovak soldiers, and in spite of diplomatic efforts from the Czechoslovak National Council, the Italian military did not allow for military service from foreign POWs until 1917. The establishment of the Czechoslovak Corps of Volunteers, also known as the Esploratori Cecoslovacchi, saw Czech soldiers being used mainly for intelligence gathering. The Italian 1917 defeat at Caporetto changed their priorities, with the Czechoslovak Military Forces in Italy finally being accepted as an independent fighting force in April 1918. This division of the Czechoslovak Legion was composed of tens of thousands of troops and officers, serving valiantly at the Doss Alto ridge near the Lake Garda in August 1918 and in several other conflicts. By the war’s conclusion, Czech troops had earned the respect of Italian soldiers and were asked to help defend Italy’s borders as part of the Czechoslovak Army Corps in Italy. They would also join the Czechoslovak National Guard in Italy, serving even while many were in the midst of returning home.

Russia Campaign

Tens of thousands of Czechs and Slovaks were already living in Russia beforehand, and when war broke out, they were officially obliged to return to Austria-Hungary and join the army on behalf of the Habsburg crown. They refused to fight for the Central Powers and demanded that they fight on behalf of the Russian government, with Russia relenting and creating the Ceska Druzhina, a company made up of hundreds of volunteers. They were at first loosely organized for intelligence purposes and spreading propaganda, but to join applicants needed to wait for government approval. Instead of waiting however, many decided to instead join the Serbia Volunteer Corps in Odessa, Ukraine, under the First Serb Division, with those having served in the Austria-Hungarian army allowed to retain their previous rank. This division served alongside the 47th Russian Expeditionary Corps at the Battle of Dobruja in the summer of 1916. After facing massive casualties the volunteer division was offered to join the Serbian Second Division, but related after learning that they would not be joining any independent units.

Legionnaires were embedded within the Russian Third Army mainly as part of their military campaign repelling the Central Powers in Ukraine until the summer of 1917. The Ceska Druzhina would soon transition into the Czech Corps as a core element of the Russian military. As members of the Czech Corps, they participated with Russian troops in the Brusilov offensive from June to September 1916, with this Ukrainian offensive being acknowledged as the single most deadliest conflict in the Great War, with both Russia and Austria-Hungary facing massive losses. The Czech Corps numbers swelled to from a single unit to 2 full combat divisions along with additional support service units. Russia ultimately won the conflict, although the massive scale of destruction did in part lead to the October Revolution of 1917 in ousting the government.

Eventually, the 1st Czechoslovak Rifle Brigade would join the 11th Russian Army Regiment in surveillance operations at the Battle of Zborov, Ukraine in July, 1917. Formed from those dissatisfied with the Russian government’s refusal to allow Czech troops to operate as independent military units, the Czechoslovak Brigade would earn a formidable reputation from their performance as the Legion stormed into enemy lines, fighting fellow Czech and Slovak soldiers from the Austria-Hungarian army. They would capture thousands of soldiers and several pieces of artillery and equipment while having minimal losses in return.

• Involvement in the Russian Civil War and their Uprising

Russia was at its breaking point in February 1917, replacing the Tsar’s administration with a temporary government to continue participation in the war. Tomáš Masaryk of the newly formed Czech National Council sought to work with the new Communist provisional government of Russia after the Bolshevik Revolution, with the organization of Czechoslovakian prisoners to form a provisional army, later known as the Czechoslovak Legion, which had at this point expanded to 2 full divisions. Under the administration of the French government, the Legions joined the Ukrainian front against Austria-Hungary and Germany with a fighting force of over 50,000 personnel, becoming the most reliable and stable military force in Russia amid the chaos of the Russian Civil War, as the military and Russian government fractured into opposing factions after Vladimir Lenin and his Bolshevik faction overthrew the Tsar and his adminstration. While initially committed to continued support of its allies and holding back the Central Powers,  the Bolsheviks’ subsequent negotiations with Germany to end Russia’s participation in the war left the Czechoslovak Corps in a precarious position. Stationed in Ukraine, the Legion tried to remain neutral in the Russian Civil War but maintained allegiance to the Allies. As Russia descended into chaos and Allied lines shifted westward, Masaryk and others sought to evacuate the Corps to France, where they could continue fighting alongside the Western Allies.

Plans were made for the Legion to evacuate eastward via the Trans-Siberian Railway to Vladivostok, from which they would be transported by sea to Europe. Initially, the Bolsheviks agreed to this plan. On March 15, 1918, the provisional government permitted the Corps to pass through its territory, on the condition that they disarm partially and travel in small groups under the Penza Agreement. This agreement was arranged with Antonov-Ovseyenko, a Bolshevik-aligned commander in Ukraine. However, suspicion on both sides quickly deepened, with members of the Russian provisional government fearing that the Legion might join forces with their enemies. This included the conservative and right-leaning White Russians, the Japanese who had landed in Vladivostok by this point, and the anti-Bolshevik forces led by Ataman Semyonov. Trotsky, now War Commissar, sought to revise the agreement. On March 26, Stalin, as Commissar for Nationalities, laid out new conditions for evacuation: the Legion had to move immediately, disarm further, and dismiss all non-Communist Russian officers. A new agreement in Penza in late March permitted the Corps to carry a small number of weapons per train for self-defense. Despite this, the Legion retained many weapons in secret.

The Czech Legion’s slow eastward movement became entangled in the broader breakdown of order in Russia. Japanese intervention in Vladivostok on April 5 triggered a halt to the Legion’s movement, as paranoia amongst the Bolsheviks over the Legion’s loyalties rose. The Czech legionaires  increasingly suspected Bolshevik officials of acting under German pressure—especially after German ambassador Count Mirbach arrived in Moscow. Bolshevik attempts to infiltrate the Legion through propaganda and to convince its men to join the Red Army further widened the gap. At a secret meeting in mid-April at Kirsanov, Legion officers resolved that they could no longer trust Bolshevik guarantees and might have to fight their way east.

Meanwhile, the Allied powers—particularly Britain and France—began to reconsider the Legion’s value. British planners, frustrated by President Wilson’s resistance to direct intervention in Russia, saw the Legion as a tool to support their objectives in Siberia or northern Russia (e.g., Archangel and Murmansk). French leaders, especially Clemenceau, insisted that the Corps must be sent to France without delay to support the Western Front. The British and French military authorities proposed splitting the Corps. Those already past Omsk could continue east to Vladivostok, while the rest would be diverted north to Murmansk or Archangel. Though ostensibly for quicker evacuation, this plan would allow the Allies to use them in defending strategic locations and possibly support counterrevolutionary efforts. A formal resolution was adopted at the Supreme War Council in Abbeville in early May 1918, but its ambiguity—especially regarding evacuation timelines and shipping—revealed underlying disagreements.

They, however, withdrew from Russia after refusing to disarm themselves and be returned to Austria-Hungary, instead choosing to reconnect with Allied forces on the Western Front by taking ships via the Vladivostok port over 6,000 miles to the east. Despite a combined Austrian and German attempt to prevent the Legion from aiding the allies in Operation Faustschlag, the Czechoslovak Legion continued its way to Vladivostok by train. Granted passage at the cost of surrendering the majority of their arsenal, the Legion found themselves capturing depots of weaponry and supplies donated by the Entente powers to the Russians after coming into conflict with the local authorities. The Bolsheviks would begin attacking the Czechoslovak Corps after the Chelyabinsk Incident on May 14, 1918, when a Czech soldier was killed by a Hungarian POW, prompting retaliation by the Czechs and arrests by Soviet authorities. The Legion responded with armed action, as Chelyabinsk would be captured along with several cities heading eastward in what would be known as the Czechoslovak Revolts, although in practice Legionnaire forces became spread thin along thousands of miles of railway tracks. They refused orders to disarm and resolved to find a way to rejoin allied forces at Vladivostok.

As they struggled to navigate the brutal Siberian terrarium and weather along with constant firefights with Red Army units, the Czechoslovak Legion made it to Vladivostok in June 1918, meeting with allied troops sent to resupply the Legion and keep Bolsheviks troops out. While many of the Legionnaires met up with Entente forces in West Europe, Czech regiments were additionally sent to reinforce the southeastern border and prevent the Germans from advancing on behalf of Russia, which was in the middle of a civil war after the revolution. Later in July they would find the grizzly remains of Tsar Nicholas II and the Imperial family in Yekaterinburg and afterwards $333,000,000 of gold reserves in a train outside of the city of Kazan. Czech Legionnaires were often described by Russian locals as the most stable and decent fighting force in Siberia amid the chaos in the aftermath of the revolution, providing assistance and caring for wartime refugees. Eventually the Bolshevik faction gained the upper hand over the conservative White army in 1819, attacking Kolchak's forces which included the Legion. The Kolchak government was collapsing and the Legionaries decided to cut their losses, evacuating from Siberia via trains in Omsk. They were cut off by Bolshevik troops but were allowed to leave on the condition that Kolchak of the conservative faction be surrendered along with the recovered gold reserves, with the last of the Czech Legionnaires returning home by 1920.

• Weaponry used by the Czechoslovak Legion

With the prevalence of systemic corruption and favoritism within the Habsburg military command, Czech nationalists began encouraging the killing of superior officers and desertion, with those captured by the Russian army joining a volunteer unit first named "Czech companions". Multiple regiments of Czech volunteers joined, but by 1916, the Legion struggled to arm themselves as the Imperial Russian Army faced near collapse, prompting many legionaries to begin following their own initiative and disobeying orders. Procuring weaponry was a significant issue as firearm production was insufficient for Russia’s enlarging military, with weapons being taken from fallen soldiers and on mass from other countries. Legionnaires were most comfortable with Austrian firearms but were mainly supplemented with Russian weaponry such as  PPsH 41 submachine guns, along with those from other countries including British Sten Mkii submachine carbines, American Smith & Wesson Revolvers, the French Revolver d'Ordanance Modele 1892, and even a number of captured German firearms. A number of pistols and revolvers were later acquired which were often carried by officers of the Legion as symbols of status, particularly with Austrian pistols.

Rifles, in contrast, were in short supply in Russia, with less than 5,00,000 rifles on hand and over 200,000 lost on average each month during the war. 2,500,000 rifles no longer in use were purchased from the U.S., England, Italy, and Japan, while around 750,000 rifles were salvaged from fallen enemy troops. Captured rifles included the standard-issue Austrian-Hungarian Mannlicher M1895, whose bolt-action mechanism allowed for faster loading, and the older Mannlicher M1888 rifle model. Legion members were also gifted various Japanese Arisaka rifles, ranging from the Type 30 rifle to the Type 35 and the new Type 38. Czech Legion members stationed in France and Italy used Lebel Model 1886 rifles and Carcano Model 1891 rifles, respectively. Eventually, Russian rifles were issued to Czechoslovak Legionaries and later taken from depots across Siberia, mainly composed of the M1891 Mosin-Nagant and its variations.

Machine guns and other automatic weaponry was also incredibly sparse, with the Czechoslovak Legion utilizing Russian and Entente provided light and medium machine guns along with those captured from Austro-Hungarian forces to provide suppressive fire and to flush out enemy units with a large volume of firepower. Around 10,000 American Lewis machine guns and thousands of Maxim heavy machine guns were purchased by the Russians and used during the Russian Civil War, with many being modified as the PM M1910 machine gun and used by Legion forces. Czech units appropriated Austro-Hungarian Schwarzlose machine guns and were assigned French Hotchkiss Model 1914 machine guns, French Chauchat light machine guns, as well as Italian Fiat-Revelli Mod. 1914 heavy machine guns, which were the most common machine gun model utilized in WWI.

Impact of the Legion on the founding of Czechoslovakia 

 Sources:

• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Revolt_of_the_Czechoslovak_Legion

• Dziak, Robert. The Czechoslovak Legions in World War I. 2012.

• Johnston, Chris. “US Author Highlights Legionnaires’ Role in Founding Czechoslovakia.” Radio Prague International, 14 May 2014, english.radio.cz/us-author-highlights-legionnaires-role-founding-czechoslovakia-8225900. 

• Kennan, George. “The Czechoslovak Legion: II.” The Russian Review (Stanford), vol. 17, no. 1, 1958, pp. 11–28, https://doi.org/10.2307/125722.

• Fixler, Nicholas William. Dillenburg, Elizabeth; Giustino, Cathleen M. (eds.). "An inconceivable odyssey: The Czechoslovak Legion in Russia, 1914–1918." Central Europe Yearbook,  23 October 2019, https://pubs.lib.umn.edu/index.php/cey/article/view/1691/1674.

•  Polišenský, Josef V. History of Czechoslovakia in Outline. Sphinx Publishers, 1948. (104-110)

The Legion’s forces played a massive role in creating a national identity for Czech and Slovak people to rally behind, helping to establish the First Czechoslovak Republic military while drawing in significant diplomatic influence from their efforts in supporting Allied forces against the Central Powers. Having spent over 6 years in Russia amid the fall of the Tsar and opposition from the Bolsheviks, along with being stationed in France and Italy, the Czechoslovak Legion’s determination helped to legitimatize the desire for independence amongst the allied nations, with the United States seeing the signing of the Cleveland Agreement in 1915 and later the Pittsburgh Agreement of 1918 in recognition of the desires for an independent Czechoslovakia. Furthermore, Masaryk and the council during their visits to the United States would be directly inspired by the American Constitution in drafting the initial provisional Constitution of Czechoslovakia on November 13, 1918. This would be replaced by the Czechoslovak Constitution of 1920, ratified by the Czechoslovak National Assembly on February 29, 1920 and reflecting the ideals of Western democracies.

The existence of these military units fighting on behalf of their unique nationality was the main selling point of Masaryk’s arguments, as beforehand the Czech and Slovak peoples and their struggles had been largely ignored. Their sacrifices helped to sway the United States and other Allied Powers to recognize the Czechoslovak National Council as the official representative group for the Czech and Slovak peoples and, following the dissolution of Austria-Hungary, would see Czechoslovakia, or officially the Czechoslovak Republic, established in late October, 1918, led by President Masaryk. He led a provisional government formed from the Czechoslovak National Council, which had become recognized as the de facto government of Czechoslovakia by the United States and other nations.

 IV. First Czechoslovak Republic (1918–1938)

Development of national military forces

Sources:

• Polišenský, Josef V. History of Czechoslovakia in Outline. Sphinx Publishers, 1948. (111-120)

• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Czechoslovak_Army#cite_note-2

• Šrámek, Pavel. “Československá Armáda Na Podzim 1938.” Domů, 23 Feb. 2009, armada.vojenstvi.cz/predvalecna/mobilizace/ceskoslovenska-armada-na-podzim-1938.htm.   

• Hutecka, Jiri. “‘Completely Forgotten and Totally Ignored’: Czechoslovak Veterans of the Austro-Hungarian Army and the Transitions of 1918-1919.” Nationalities Papers, vol. 49, no. 4, 2021, pp. 629–45, https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.41.

• Benes, Jakub S. “THE GREEN CADRES AND THE COLLAPSE OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY IN 1918.” Past & Present, vol. 236, no. 236, gtx028, 2017, https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtx028, 32-35.

The Czechoslovak Army was first formed following the establishment of the First Czechoslovak Republic after its independence from Austria-Hungary and Habsburg rulership. Formed from Czech and Slovak units from the Austria-Hungarian Army as well as French and Italian volunteer units who later joined as the Czechoslovak Legion. Under the presidency of Thomas Masaryk of the Czechoslovak National Council, much of the Legion was reformed and adopted into leadership positions. Despite the Legion bolstering its numbers, however, it was not an easy transition, as armed conflict still continued after Czechoslovakia declared its independence in October 1918. The Hungarian Red Army, which had broken away from Austria, continued to lay siege to Czechoslovak forces over Slovakia, which was previously a largely Hungarian territory. Czech veterans who fought for Austria-Hungary along with millions of Germans and other minorities in the Czechoslovak state found themselves in a strenuous situation, as many struggled with accepting the fall of the Habsburg monarchy. Their service was officially accepted by the new republic, but violence eventually broke out as several provinces, including Deutschböhmen in northern Bohemia and Sudetenland, declared independence, with Slovakia still ruled by elites sympathetic to Hungary and Germany. This, along with years of destruction and food insecurity, forced the Czechoslovak National Committee to quickly gather their forces.

In the aftermath of the Great War, the infamous Green Cadres were met with mixed emotions following orders of demobilization in Yugoslavia, Poland, and Czechoslovakia, as some ended up resorting to becoming highway bandits and looters, which created distrust between local Slovakian locals and occupying Czech troops. Others had blamed the Green Cadres for being the perfect scapegoat for new administrations to deploy their armies in restoring order. While their reputation waned, however, some still saw the Green Cadres as a way for the common peasant to resist perceived failings in new governments and fight on behalf of local loyalties. Activities would continue in forested regions within Slovenia and Moravia, and there would even be a full-scale revolt in Croatia. Although their activities would largely cease by the 1920s, there would be a small resurgence following the Nazi occupation of Prague and Czechoslovakia in 1939.

Gathering troops was an arduous task, as the Legion was still mainly positioned in Italy and France in 1918, and those still stuck in Russia would take months to trickle back home. The rest were stationed in Hungary, which meant that volunteers would need to supplement the ranks, with the Sokol nationalist gymnastic organization and social-democratic groups answering the call on October 28. Supplying them with firearms amid mass ransacking and convincing the National Guard to remain in service were amongst several issues of organizing a standing army, with the Czechoslovak army also having to contend with the remaining Green Cadres as well as Czech nationalists who felt that military discipline and order were reminiscent of Austria-Hungary’s military culture, with their insubordination threatening to escalate into mutiny. 

Regardless, the National Committee eventually had enough troops to deal with the Germanic Czechoslovakian insurgents, ending their independence movement by December as well as repelling Hungarian troops moving into Slovakia in Bratislava on January 2, 1919. The army still struggled with rowdiness amongst the troops and a lack of morale in spite of their victories, and following the Seven Days' War with Poland, discontent grew further as their occupation of Slovakia and the enforcement of aggressive policing tactics gave rise to public outrage and even riots, with these emotions stoked in part by Hungarian elites. Many in the army simply wished to return to their homeland, and the public questioned the official reasoning for occupying Slovakians, with incursions from Hungarian Bolsheviks barely being noted outside of the initial Hungarian offensive of May 30, 1919. With Czechoslovakia barely managing to retain control of Slovakia with the help of the Great Powers, any remaining morale plummeted from humiliation and shocking losses. Its reputation was heavily wounded, with the legionnaires and volunteer units holding up its legitimacy as an army.

Regardless, slowly but surely Czechoslovakia developed and modernized the military doctrines and training of its armed forces based on influences from a French military mission conducted by General Pellé’s forces as well as the former Austro-Hungarian Army. It would begin establishing an elaborate network of border defenses and fortifications, and its strong industrial base would allow for the development of extensive supplies of tanks and aircraft along with relatively advanced firearms.

Border defense strategies and fortifications 

Sources:

• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Czechoslovak_border_fortifications 

• Koten, Marek. “Bunker Mentality – The Fortified Czech Border.” 3 Seas Europe, 1 Sept. 2022, 3seaseurope.com/czechoslovak-fortifications/. 

• Hýblová, Kateřina. Fenomén zdi v mezinárodních vztazích. 2017. Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze.

• Olejník, Milan. “The Policy of the Czechoslovak Government Aimed at Neutralizing the German Threat during 1935 – 1938 with a Focus on the Situation in Slovakia.” Človek a Spoločnost, vol. 21, no. 3, 2018, pp. 1–24.

• Ivanov, Bojan. “Czechoslovak Border Fortifications: The Best-Preserved Fortification System of WWII in Europe.” Abandoned Spaces, 17 Jan. 2018, www.abandonedspaces.com/conflict/czechoslovak-border-fortifications.html. 

• Polišenský, Josef V. History of Czechoslovakia in Outline. Sphinx Publishers, 1948. (111-120)

Wishing to prevent a repeat of the Habsburg monarchy, the First Czechoslovak Republic began installing military fortifications along its eastern borders with Germany, Austria, and other nations. The republic faced multiple attempted incursions into Slovakia by Hungarian revisionists in spite of the Treaty of Trianon. Later, the republic desired to stall the hostile provocations of Nazi Germany, whom aimed to expand the rule of the Third Reich under the guise of uniting German ethnic peoples under Germany. Inspired by France’s Maginot Line from WWI, more modernized bunkers and border fortifications were rapidly constructed on Czechoslovakia’s eastern border starting in 1935, reinforced by heavily equipped soldiers and artillery. Around 10,000 light and 265 heavy forts were constructed by 1938, but they were never utilized, as Czechoslovakian President Beneš would order a full surrender later that year. 

Relations with neighboring countries (Germany, Hungary, Poland)

Sources:

• https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Czechoslovak_Republic

• Manig, Von Bert-Oliver. “Konferenz von Locarno - Wenig Anerkennung Für Erste Friedensordnung in Europa.” Deutschlandfunk, deutschlandfunk.de, 5 Oct. 2015, www.deutschlandfunk.de/konferenz-von-locarno-wenig-anerkennung-fuer-erste-100.html

• https://www.britannica.com/event/Chaco-War

• Piahanau, Aliaksandr. “Czechoslovak-Hungarian Border Conflict.” 1914-1918-Online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, 11 July 2023, https://doi.org/10.15463/ie1418.11274/1.1.  

• DeNiro, Vincent D. “Guns of the Chaco War.” Firearms News, 14 Jan. 2021, www.firearmsnews.com/editorial/guns-of-the-chaco-war/387596.  

• A Small Part of History. “Borders of Conflict: The Forgotten Story of the Chaco War.” Medium, 28 Mar. 2024, medium.com/@managing2024/borders-of-conflict-the-forgotten-story-of-the-chaco-war-3d43223d7768.  

• Polišenský, Josef V. History of Czechoslovakia in Outline. Sphinx Publishers, 1948. (111-120)

• Buttin, Félix. “The Polish-Czechoslovak Conflict over Teschen Silesia (1918-1920): A Case Study.” Perspectives (Praha), vol. 13, no. 2, 2005, p. 63.

After having just secured its independence from the now-defunct Austria-Hungarian Empire, the Czechoslovak Republic realized that it would need to ensure that a future Habsburg revitalization would never occur again, lest they be once again subjugated by the will of another nation. This, alongside concerns of preventing Hungarian revisionaries who sought to restore the empire to its former glory, meant that the newfound republic would need to secure alliances with other like-minded nations in Central Europe. The Little Entente Powers was formed between Czechoslovakia, Romania, and Yugoslavia, which prevented the last Habsburg heir, Charles I of Austria (1887-1922), from reclaiming the Hungarian throne in 1921. Regardless, Czechoslovakia maintained amicable relations with Austria and a strong military alliance with France. It even made a push to participate in the League of Nations to maintain its political and diplomatic standing.  The First Czechoslovak Republic would make its impact on the world stage, participating in several conflicts around the globe:

Hungarian–Czechoslovak War (November 1918 – August 1919)

Also known as the War for Upper Hungary and later the Northern Campaign in 1919, Czechoslovakia would see overwhelming defeat from the onslaught of Hungarian Red Army forces, with reprieve only coming after Prague requested assistance from French military forces led by General Maurice Pellé. Hungary had argued beforehand that Slovakia was naturally part of its kingdom, while Czechoslovakia argued that it was rightfully theirs due to its population’s ethnicities. Attempting to engage in negotiations with the Entente Powers, the Slovak National Council, and Prague, they would sign the Belgrade military convention on November 13, 1918. This supposedly allowed most of Hungary to remain under the control of Budapest, but they were later informed that Czechoslovakia would be allowed control over Slovakia. Multiple border lines were drawn up, with both sides arguing over control of Slovakia. 

Tensions escalated on March 20th, 1919, as Czechoslovakia began martial law and decided to act first without the approval of the Entente. An army of 100,000 men was split between the southern city of Miskolc, led by an Italian military mission, and the Eastern Transcarpathia region in the Carpathian mountain range, which was occupied by French forces under General Pellé. The western group would run into Hungarian forces in Salgótarján, the largest coal producer in the region. The Red Army remobilized and grew its ranks, surprising Czech forces on the 19th of May and retaking Miskolc the following day. The Italian forces were routed and replaced by French forces, and Czechoslovak-Hungarian hostilities continued until the truce of 24 June. With the complete withdrawal of the Red Army behind the new demarcation on 7 July 1919, the Slovak Republic of Councils was disbanded. In the aftermath, Hungary having its government overhauled and signing the Trianon Peace Treaty. While the previously agreed upon July 1919 delimitation line, which gave the Czechs control over Slovakia,  still remained in place, Czechoslovakia promised to trade coal with Hungary in return.

Polish–Czechoslovak War (1919)

Also known as the Seven Days War, this short-lived conflict would see Polish and Czechoslovak troops fighting over the Duchy of Teschen, Silesia from 23 to 30 January 1919, although small territorial disputes occurred from October 1918 to July 1920. A massive power vacuum opened after the fall of the Habsburg Monarchy, with newly independent nations having to draft up borders that had not been defined for centuries. Many Polish citizens lived in Teschen, but the region had historically remained under the control of Bohemia. Additionally, the area was home to valuable coal mines as well as a railway that connected the town of Bohumin with Slovakia and Poland. Teschen would see the descent of 15,000 Czechoslovakian troops, including Legionnaire regiments from France, Czech army battalions, and volunteers, all led by Josef Šnejdárek, formerly of the French Foreign Legion. 

The height of this conflict was the Battle of Skoczów, which lasted from January 28 to 30, 1919. Polish troops faced immense pressure from Czechoslovak troops, rerouting them and forcing them on the defensive. Czech troops would have gone further were it not for representatives from the Triple Entente Powers, who ordered that both sides stand down. The Czechoslovak–Polish Treaty was signed by all parties, granting a demarcation line that increased Czechoslovakian territory and split Teschen in the middle through the Olza River. Although the Czechoslovak Republic was ultimately victorious, their actions against Poland would lead to political ramifications years later when Hitler began his expansionist plans.

The Chaco War (1932-35)

Regarded historically as the first modern conflict to occur in South America, fighting would break out between 2 neighboring nations far from Europe. Prior hostilities between Paraguay and Bolivia sparked as Bolivia sought to expand its territory as a landlocked region, fighting over an area of the Gran Chaco forest region known as the Chaco Boreal. Arguments of inheritance rights along with the discovery of nearby oil led to violent incidents starting in the 1920s that soon escalated to a three-year war. Bolivia’s army was never fully deployed beyond 2-3rds, while Paraguay was engaging in total war. There was significant foreign involvement from several nations, including the First Czechoslovak Republic, who sent arms shipments and a military mission as a means of supporting Bolivia in an unofficial capacity. This mission was composed of Czechoslovak officers hired to serve the Bolivian army in an advisory role.

Czechoslovakia’s support of Bolivia was in large part out of their desire to export their massive arsenal to other nations, viewing Bolivia as a potential customer. Additionally, they saw the conflict as a great way to test and showcase the battleworthiness of their firearms. Advanced for their time, Bolivian troops were armed with machine guns such as the DWM Maxim M1904 and M1911, the Czechoslovak ZB vz. 26, and Vickers-Berthier light machine guns. They also utilized Mauser-type Czechoslovak Vz. 24 rifles and Schmeisser MP-28 II submachine guns.” Paraguay troops, meanwhile, were stuck with small arms and relatively weaker firepower. Although Paraguay eventually won the conflict with both nations signing a treaty, Czechoslovakia began to be acknowledged as a significant player in arms manufacturing and military support.

The rise of the Third Reich and the coming Occupation (1938-39)

With the radicalization of Germany under the Nazi regime came Adolf Hitler’s ambitions to reunite all German-speaking regions of Europe, including Czechoslovakia’s Sudetenland region, and later all of Europe itself under the guise of German self-determination and the ideals of Aryan racial supremacy. Hitler himself rose to power in 1933 and began making his moves in isolating European nations such as Yugoslavia from one another, biding his time. Most were ignorant of his ambitions, with the exception of Edvard Beneš, who succeeded President Masaryk after his death in September 1937. He attempted to create an alliance with the League of Nations and Soviet Russia as well as proclaim the dangerous intentions that Hitler held for Europe. 

Both internal pressure from Sudetenland natives as well as Nazi Germany began to weigh heavily on Czechoslovakia, with the Sudeten-German Home Front being established by German minorities resentful of Czechoslovakia. On May 21st, 1938, Hitler found himself under threat from a Czech mobilization, but managed to convince Great Britain and other nations that it was only fair for German-majority regions of Czechoslovakia to be surrendered to Germany. Initially based around the Anglo-French plan with European nations demanding that Czechoslovakia agree to Germany's demands to prevent the outbreak of war, this backfired severely as Germany eventually succeeded in taking over Czechoslovakia. Millions of Czech citizens were pushed back or sent to concentration camps, and President Beneš was forced to resign on October 5th, 1938. Hitler would manipulate Slovak chauvinists, claiming to be their protector, and would begin a full occupation over all of Czechoslovakia in violation of the Locarno Conference.

V. World War II and Exile Forces

Nazi occupation and the dissolution of the Czechoslovak military 

Sources:

• Demetz, Peter. Prague in Danger. Ingram International Inc, 2009.

• Deák, István, and Norman M. Naimark. “Austria, Czechoslovakia, and Poland: The First German Conquests.” Europe on Trial, 1st ed., Routledge, 2015, pp. 27–40, 81-82, https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429493874-3. 

• Legrand, Jacques, and Derrik Mercer. Chronicle of the Second World War. Chronicle Communications, 1990. 

• Polišenský, Josef V. History of Czechoslovakia in Outline. Sphinx Publishers, 1948. (121-131)

The First Czechoslovak Republic would find itself in the crosshairs of Adolf Hitler, Fuhrer of the Third Reich in Germany. The army would find itself being ordered to demobilize in late 1938, and the state attempted to appease German fascism by banning Jewish state employment, but to no avail. Despite having a relatively advanced military for its era with a personnel count of over one and a half million, no resistance would be found outside of a border unit, the 3rd Battalion of the 8th Border Regiment. Its fate was signed away starting with the 1938 Munich Agreement, which would see Italy, France, and England concede to Germany Czechoslovakia's Sudetenland region. Adolf Hitler and 17 German military divisions would later ride into Prague on the 15th of March, 1939, as Edvard Beneš, former president, would give away the country’s independence in order to prevent wasting lives and resources on a full-scale military conflict against the Nazi regime. He was replaced by Dr. Emil Hácha, a former Czech lawyer who was placed in position as acting president of Czechoslovakia and later as president of the newly formed German Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. While he made attempts at his country’s interests, his position would force him to act as a puppet for the Nazis.

Slovaks had historically been poorer than their Czech counterparts, with the Czech lands holding mainly Czech and some German and Jewish ancestry, and Slovaks being closer to Hungarians and Germans. With ethnic Czechs making only one-half of the population, ethnic tensions were inevitable and were exploited by the Nazis. Claiming that the forced annexation of Bohemia, Moravia, the Czechoslovak Republic, and even Slovakia was legal, as Germany claimed to place them under their protection, the Czech and Slovak people would find themselves under the tyrannical rule of the Nazis for years until the end of the Second World War.

The first phase of the Nazi occupation, from September 1939 to June 1941, was at first met with passive resistance through boycotts, celebrating national figures, and creating secret organizations that maintained contact with other nations. Those living in the newly formed Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia who did not resist accepted the German hegemony, with many ethnic Czechs at first finding life under the Germans tolerable at first due to a lack of forced military conscription, industry workers being allowed to keep their jobs (unless they were Jewish), and Czech businessmen profiting from the war effort. Many had already begun resisting, however, including those in higher education who were patriotic to their nation, those in contact with the Czech government-in-exile in London, and later the Czech communists following Germany’s opposition to the Soviet Union in June, 1941.

German authorities would begin striking down any potential resistance to their operations by September 1, 1939, as intellectuals and other potential dissidents were arrested and sent to a concentration camp in Dachau. Dr. Hácha attempted to have these hostages freed but with little success. Rising protests gave way to the October 28th incident with the death of medical student Jan Opletal, with the country exploding in outrage. The German occupation saw Czechs routinely brutalized by Sudeten Germans, with a 20th anniversary celebration on October 28, 1939, ending with thousands of Czech students beaten and sent to jail. Wishing to quell news of the incident, claims of a conspiracy were painted on college and university students, 10 of whom were executed under the orders of State Secretary Frank. Journalists soon joined those outlawed by German authorities in the beginning of 1940, along with Czech schooling, sports organizations, churches, and any possession of property within Bohemia and Moravia not already owned by German occupants. Many Czech and Slovak citizens, and especially those that possessed German descent, turned against their friends and families, becoming collaborators and spying for the regime. With the rise in brutality on Czech and Slovak citizens, however, resistance began brewing, especially amongst Slovakians. 

Conditions would deteriorate into the next few years of the occupation of Prague and Czechoslovakia with the installment of one of the Nazi Party’s most sadistic and brutal officers, General Reinhardt Heydrich. On September 29, 1941, General Heydrich would be assigned as deputy protector of Bohemia and Moravia by the Nazis as part of Operation Barbarossa, a multi-faceted crusade to eliminate any non-Germanic influence and nationality in Czechoslovakia. Martial law would be declared while Czech citizens found themselves displaced and turned into second-class citizens, being kicked from school and their homes to make way for German occupants. General Elias, previously installed as prime minister of Czechoslovakia, was tried for claims of treason. Thousands were executed, and many more were deported to concentration camps in the east, and martial law was declared. Germany, meanwhile, would declare war on Soviet Russia to advance the Nazi ideology and secure more living space for the Third Reich on June 22, 1941. 

Tides began to turn following the German Sixth Army’s surrender in Stalingrad, Russia in January, 1943, with the German’s strength being successfully challenged and resistance activity surging into the last phase of the occupation of Czechoslovakia. In the end, the last of the Army Group Centre serving in the Eastern Front surrendered on May 10, with Prague having been the last European capital city to have been liberated from the Nazis. Unfortunately, liberation from the fascist Nazi regime and restoration of Czechoslovakia as a state would come with a heavy price, as Soviet military forces would begin digging in Czechoslovakia, determined to gain more and more control over the economy and government. By June 26, 1945, Czechoslovakia would become forcibly absorbed into the expanding Soviet Union as the threat of fascism began to be replaced by tensions between Communist and Western capitalist ideologies. 

Czechoslovak forces in exile (UK, USSR, North Africa) 

Sources:

• Seehase, Hagen. “Czechoslovakia: The Forgotten Brigade.” Militär Aktuell, 18 Oct. 2023, militaeraktuell.at/en/czechoslovakia-the-forgotten-brigade/. 

• Isaksen, Kai. “Czechoslovak Exile Units of WWII.” Military History Online, 2025, www.militaryhistoryonline.com/WWII/CzechExilesOfWWII. 

• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Czechoslovak_armies_in_exile

• Plachý, Jiří. “První Jednotka Čs. Vojáků Nevznikala v Roce 1939 Lehce.” Vojenský Historický Ústav, 3 Sept. 2013, www.vhu.cz/prvni-jednotka-cs-vojaku-nevznikala-v-roce-1939-lehce/. 

• https://web.archive.org/web/20070911020143/http://www.nasenoviny.com/FreeArmyMidEastEN.html

• Legrand, Jacques, and Derrik Mercer. Chronicle of the Second World War. Chronicle Communications, 1990.

•  Bocquelet, David. “Interwar and WW2, Czech Republic, Around 800 Armored Vehicles by 1938, 6800 by 1945.” Tank Encyclopedia’s Archives, tank-afv.com/ww2/czech/ww2_czech_tanks.php. Accessed 17 July 2025. 

• Thomas, Nigel. Foreign Volunteers of the Allied Forces, 1939-45. Osprey Pub, 1991. https://www.scribd.com/document/555487616/Osprey-Men-at-Arms-238-Foreign-Volunteers-of-the-Allied-Forces-1939-45-Osprey-Maa-238.

• “October 24, 1941: Czechoslovaks in the Siege of Tobruk.” Radio Prague International, 24 Oct. 2021, english.radio.cz/october-24-1941-czechoslovaks-siege-tobruk-8731855. 

• Olej, Vladimir. “Battle of Sokolovo: The 969 Czechoslovaks Had to Walk More Than 217 Miles.” WAR HISTORY ONLINE, 11 Feb. 2019, www.warhistoryonline.com/world-war-ii/battle-of-sokolovo-the-969-czechoslovaks-had-to-walk-more-than-217-miles.html. 

• Krupka, Jaroslav. “Létal Na Dvou Frontách, Přežil Sestřel. Před 110 Lety Se Narodil František Fajtl.” Deník.Cz, 20 Aug. 2022, www.denik.cz/z_domova/general-frantisek-fajtl-ceskoslovensti-piloti-druha-svetova-valka-sovestsky-svaz.html. 

• “Vznik Československých Jednotek Na Východě Provázely Improvizace.” ČT24, ČT24 - Česká televize, 15 Jan. 2012, ct24.ceskatelevize.cz/clanek/domaci/vznik-ceskoslovenskych-jednotek-na-vychode-provazely-improvizace-261578. 

• The National WWII Museum. "The Slovak National Uprising of 1944" https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/slovak-national-uprising-1944. Published September 12, 2023. Accessed July 24, 2025.

• Sehnal, Jiří, and Jiří Rajlich. Stíhací Pilot. Naše Vojsko, 1991. (The Fates of Czechoslovak Fighter Pilots. Attached is a list of their names and an overview of the air victories of the 310th Czechoslovak Fighter Squadron RAF and the 1st Czechoslovak Independent Fighter Aviation Regiment.)

• Polišenský, Josef V. History of Czechoslovakia in Outline. Sphinx Publishers, 1948. (121-131)

• Kallis, Aristotle. “How the Nazis Tried to Erase a Czech Village – and British Miners Helped Stop Them.” The Conversation, 9 June 2022, theconversation.com/how-the-nazis-tried-to-erase-a-czech-village-and-british-miners-helped-stop-them-184696. 

• Reed, Betsy. “Churchill Proposed ‘three for One’ Bombing of German Villages in Retaliation for Massacre of Czech Civilians.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 1 Jan. 2006, www.theguardian.com/uk/2006/jan/02/secondworldwar.conservatives.

As the military was officially disbanded by Emil Hácha, who was only president for a little over 4 months before Czechoslovakia's surrender in March, 1939, many Czech and Slovak troops found themselves learning to use a wide variety of foreign weaponry and vehicles, along with domestically produced guns. While the signing away of their autonomy as a nation by France and other allies was a shocking blow of betrayal to many, the desire to fight off the Nazis and restore their homeland convinced many Czech and Slovak soldiers to fight for the armies of others. They would serve in various Allied nations across Europe, forming the greater Czechoslovak Foreign Army and playing a significant role in aiding the Allied forces in WWII.

Polish Forces: 

Czechoslovakian forces would flee the country to all across Europe, with 6 volunteers organizing in the Czechoslovak Consulate building in Krakow, Poland to form the "Czechoslovak Foreign Military Group," an informal military unit that would inspire the creation of the Czechoslovak Foreign Army. Polish authorities who sought to manage the coming waves of refugees arranged for foreign military volunteers to be shipped to France, with around 1,260 soldiers being shipped westwards in 6 transports from May 22 to August 21, 1939. The Czechoslovak unit would locate themselves in the village of Bronowice Małe, Krakow, under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Ludvík Svoboda. When WWII broke out, about 630 Czechoslovak soldiers were sent to Leszno in east Poland for training, with others remaining in Bronowice or joining the Polish army on their own accord. 

This changed while the Nazi invasion of Poland was underway, with the Polish president Ignacy Mościcki, demanding that Czech and Slovak units be formed into the Czechoslovak Legion. Anyone of Czech and Slovak descent was allowed to join, although it still was an informal army that was mostly unarmed and even lacking uniforms. They would retreat to the southern Romanian border in mid-September, 1939, defending areas targeted by the German Air Force from September 1 to 17. On the 19th, the Soviet Army would reach the Legion and capture them, with the Bronowicz Group being the only ones to escape to Romania. Most of the captured Legion would be released to Czechoslovak units in France and the Middle East, with less than 100 joining the Czechoslovak Foreign Army on the Eastern Front.

British and French Forces: 

With Germany ordering the demobilization of the Nazi occupation of Czechoslovakia beginning in 1939, France would agree to take in former Czech troops for the formation of a Czech National Army in exile on October 2, 1939. The 1st Czechoslovak Infantry Division was formed on January 1, 1940, as part of the French armed forces, although it was mainly only infantry and a handful of artillery and AA guns, with around 5,000 men total. They mostly served during the invasion of France, fighting off the German 16th Panzer Division until their retreat in June, 1940, as France fell to the Nazis. The following month would see the remaining 3,300 Czechoslovak troops who evacuated to Great Britain reformed as the 1st Czechoslovak Mixed Brigade Group, now equipped with 2 infantry battalions, support units, and 1 artillery battalion. They trained from 1940 to 1944, preparing themselves for when the Allies would inevitably attempt to reclaim France and drive out the Nazis. The 200th Czechoslovak Light Anti-Aircraft Regiment was also first formed and sent to the ongoing Middle East campaign.

Around 2,500 Czechoslovakian aviators exiled themselves from their nation to join the Royal Air Force (RAF), serving in fighter squads and a bomber squad. They would assist RAF forces in many operations, participating mainly in the 310th Czechoslovak Fighter Squadron RAF and Russia’s 1st Czechoslovak Independent Fighter Aviation Regiment, with the 310th contributing significantly to the Battle of Britain and in air combat against Nazi fighter planes and bombers. From May 12-14 1943, the skies above Nazi Germany would see RAF forces engaged in intensive air battles against German forces in the Battle of the Ruhr. Several bombing runs were conducted, including a raid led by 10 “Oboe” Mosquitos who marked their targets, followed by 562 bombers who leveled much of Germany’s industrial zones. These bombings also spread to targets in Czechoslovakia and other German-controlled territories, with a total of around 4,000 bombs being dropped. Other conflicts they would take part in included the Battle of the Atlantic and later Operation Overlord over the beaches of Normandy, France.

Eventually in September 1943, both groups, with a combined strength of 4,000 men, were assimilated into the 1st Czechoslovak Independent Armoured Brigade led by Brigade General Alois Liška, finally seeing action during the D-Day storming of Normandy. In cohesion with the 1st Canadian Army, the troops would land outside Dunkirk in 1944 and face off against German defenders, suffering around 10% casualties during their offensive. The fortress of Dunkirk would finally surrender to Czechoslovak forces on May 9, 1945. The 1st Czechoslovak Independent Armoured Brigade stayed behind the Allied advancement to secure France and the surrounding Southwest European nations. Local volunteers added over 1,000 to the Brigade's strength, and around 150 men were selected to join the US 3rd Army’s liberation of Czechoslovakia, raising the flag in celebration of their homeland’s liberation. Finally, the brigade reached the capital of Prague on May 8, 1945, in anticipation of the Beneš government-in-exile being restored to power.

Stíhací Pilot is a historical account detailing the actions of Czechoslovak fighter pilots including Leopold Srom, who served in the Czechoslovak Air Force. He initially served with the 5th Air Regiment, based at Brno, before being deployed with the 4th Regiment. Upon the arrival of the Nazi occupation, however, he would go to the Legion Recruitment Center in Paris, France, in July 1939. He joined French airmen recruits in training in Algeria, anticipating joining the French l’Armée d’Air. This would not come to be, as the Nazis went on to occupy all of France, fully controlling it by June 1940. Srom and his colleagues would be forced to evacuate to England and enlisted in the Royal Air Force as a volunteer unit. Having already taken the time to learn French, Srom would now learn how to use British Aircraft and to speak English to communicate with his new fellow pilots in the British Royal Air Force. He fought in the Battle of Britain as part of the 245th fighter squadron, where he would experience his first experience of air combat on 29 May 1941, utilizing the Hurricane aircraft and later, the Spitfire in air combat above the English channel. He would later join the Russian front in early 1944, piloting the Soviet Lavočkin La-5FN fighter aircraft as part of the 1st Czechoslovak Independent Fighter Aviation Regiment. He would finally get his chance at helping to liberate his homeland, fighting over the city of Ostrava, Czechoslovakia, in April, 1945.

British and French Fighter Planes Piloted by Czechoslovak Airmen:

• Morane-Saulnier MS.230: This model was the most common plane for training French military personnel at the beginning of WWII, with most Czechoslovakian pilots learning to fly using this plane from 1939-40.

• Hawker Hurricane Mark I: The plane mainly used by Czechoslovakian pilots in 1940 and onwards, it would see service mainly with the 245th RAF regiment.

• Supermarine Spitfire Mark V: The oldest model in service, the Spitfire was used before, during, and after the Second World War, with Czech pilots like Leopold Srom piloting it in 1942.

• Supermarine Spitfire Mark VI: This model was also used by Czechoslovak Air Force pilots, mainly after the war. The Mark VI was tested over German skies by Srom himself.

USSR Forces: 

The USSR’s forming of a Czechoslovakian military unit first started with a group of POWs captured by Soviet forces meeting in the town of Buzuluk within the Ural region of Russia. 15 volunteers, including around 8 fitters from the Pilsen Škoda factory in Bohemia, and their future leader General Ludvík Svoboda would meet together before the end of 1941. Russia was under siege by the Nazis and needed as many men as possible to fight off its invaders in what the Russians would call the Great Patriotic War. After waiting for confirmation of their unit’s status and having no official weapons or uniforms, the Soviet Union would finally proclaim the volunteers as an official unit on February 7, 1942. Attached to the 25th Rifle Division, they were founded as the 1st Czechoslovak Independent Field Battalion. Also known as Svoboda's Army, they began with around 100 men and were only considered refugees, but over the years they would grow and fight along the Red Army on the Ukrainian front as well as in North African and French campaigns. Although initially met with nervousness by Beneš, who wished for the unit to be used as a propaganda piece to showcase the Czech people’s willingness to fight, their victories changed their reception. 

• Battle of Sokolovo

The 1st Czechoslovak Independent Field Battalion would serve in conflicts beginning with the Third Battle of Kharkov in Ukraine in March 1943, which saw an attempted defense against a massive German offensive into Soviet territory amid their defeat by the Red Army in Stalingrad earlier that year. Their main contribution was in the Battle of Sokolovo on the 8th and 9th of March, fighting together with Red Army troops. With the Eastern Front moving west into Ukraine, Czechoslovak troops were sent to support the Red Army, which had become stretched too thin out near the town of Kharkov, Ukraine. This was happening while they fought off the Motorized Infantry Division Grossdeutschland along with elite SS divisions from the SS Panzer Corps, special German armored units.

With the railways ruined from the fighting, 969 Czechoslovaks were forced to walk to Kharkov over 10 days and around 217 miles of ruined landscapes and grizzly scenes of dead civilians at the hands of the Nazis. This along with the Nazis ravaging the Bohemian villages of Lidice and Lezaky in the wake of Deputy Heydrich’s assasination left the men vengeful and eager for combat. Reaching Kharkov in March, the men saw no rest as only one day after their arrival, they were ordered to create a barricade line on the southern border, 9 miles in length. As the Mzha River was still frozen, it was crossed by the Nazis. Soviet troops gave their lives to buy the Czechoslovak troops time to finish the defenses, and soon the defense of Sokolovo to prevent the Nazis’ advancement fell onto First Lieutenant Otakar Jaroš of the 1st Company.

The border was well mined, and the company had at its disposal 350 men armed with various weaponry, including 45 mm anti-tank cannons, 76 mm cannons, and a dozen Simonov anti-tank rifles. This was combined with backup from 10 T-34/76 medium tanks in the back to ensure the enemy could not break through. On the morning of the 8th, 3 Soviet tanks were destroyed after bombardment, followed by a slew of 60 German tanks, up to 20 armored vehicles, and a mechanized infantry battalion. The 1st Company formed a ring around the church in Sokolovo and was cut off from support as the tanks could not ride over the melting rivers. Otakar Jaroš died heroically while defending his wounded, and the company was only able to retreat when orders came at nightfall. Several Czechoslovak soldiers gave their lives to stop the German advance over the Mzha River. Their performance would be commended as they were reassigned with the 62nd Guards Rifle Division in the Red Army in an operation to finish taking over Kharkov.

They would be expanded into a full-sized battalion by May 1943 and again in 1944 as the 1st Czechoslovak Army Corps would see service across Poland and Ukraine as one of the most well-armed military units on the Eastern Front, later being reorganized into the 1st Czechoslovak Army Corps led by Ludvík Svoboda, future president of Czechoslovakia. The army corps. as part of the Red Army, would most notably take part in the 1943 Battle of Kiev in Ukraine and later the Slovak National Uprising of 1944 as part of its greater Eastern Campaign against Germany and partially Italy.

• The Slovak National Uprising of 1944

The 1st Czechoslovak Army Corps would participate in Slovakia and Moravia’s uprisings against the Nazis as the Red Army sought to converge on Germany. Under the guise of an evacuation order on August 29, 1944, Slovak Lieutenant Colonel Ján Golian would begin a 2-month uprising against the Nazis with over 80,000 troops, 18,000 resistance members, and volunteers from all across Europe. It ultimately failed to remove the Germans from power, but it also weakened the Germans with continued underground resistance until the Red Army arrived to finish them off. 

Slovakia had managed to officially preserve its independence but still found itself under the de facto control of the Nazis, with the Germans holding official government positions and promoting anti-Semitic policies. Slovakia became important for the Nazi war effort as factories in Dubnica nad Váhom and Považská Bystrica produced firearms, vehicles, parts for torpedoes and V2 rockets, and much more. A resistance movement began brewing with the Civic Bloc, composed of banned party officials and activists who wished to restore a democratic prewar Czechoslovak republic, and the Communist Bloc, whose loyalties were to Moscow and the spreading of Communist ideology. Although both sides held deeply contrasting goals, their hatred of fascism led them to form an alliance in the Christmas Agreement in late 1943, forming the Slovak National Council (Slovenská národná rada, SNR). They would begin preparations for a large-scale uprising in collusion with the Slovak Army, which had begun teaching military training and command to partisans and resistance members. While the partisans had an unsteady alliance with the 1st Czechoslovak Division, they would work together and collect materials for the uprising in May 1944. In spite of Nazi secret police activities and the government declaring martial law, they began their uprising in late August.

2 plans of attack were made, the first involving 2 heavily armed divisions of the Czechoslovak army rushing to defeat German units stationed in the Carpathian Mountains, while the SNR, partisans, and the rest of the army overturned the Slovak government. The second “crisis” plan was a defensive strategy in anticipation that the Nazi Wehrmacht would try to invade from the north and west, with the army’s weapons being mainly stored in Central Slovakia. The 2 previously mentioned divisions were made up of 6 teams assigned to areas of Slovakia. Snags were encountered, however, as Partisan teams were decentralized and were willing to commit violence against civilians accused of being Nazi sympathizers, and the Germans had sent 15,000 troops to Slovakia with many more along the way.

When the uprising was underway, it was the second-largest anti-fascist uprising in WWII, continuing into September as the resistance was forced back into the Carpathian mountain range. The Allied Powers airlifted troops, weapons, and supplies in support of their efforts, and the Czechoslovak army’s numbers grew rapidly, but it found itself outmatched by the training and equipment of the German army. October 1944 was when the uprising was officially suppressed, although the actions of the SNR were not unrecognized, with Slovakia being liberated by Red Army units in the following spring. Both American forces led by General Patton and his US Third Army and the Red Army had reached Czechoslovakia by May 5th, 1945, but the Russians insisted that the country would be liberated under their control. Furthermore, the capital found itself besieged by a rogue army led by Russian General Vlasov, who had previously defected to the Nazi regime after their capture and served as a propaganda piece against the Allied forces. They had claimed their disallegiance with the Germans by the beginning of 1945, but their presence complicated matters. By the time they had reached Czech territory, the corps had been reformed into the 1st Czechoslovak Army, with a standing count of around 20,000 troops by the end of the war.

Prague would be liberated by the Red Army as the last Nazi holdout in Europe by May 9, 1945, as the Fourth Guards’ Tank Army amongst regiments led by General Lelyshenko, would eliminate any remaining resistance and take multiple prisoners. This was done in a hurry for fear that American forces would attempt to liberate the Czechoslovakians beforehand. They would eliminate any remaining SS units and would later capture General Vlasov and his forces, who were attempting to escape by beelining toward the Americans. 

Russian and German-Supplied Planes Piloted by Czechoslovak Airmen:

• Hawker Hurricane Mark II: Another aircraft supplied by the Soviets, eventually being used by Czechoslovak pilots like Leopold Srom.

• Lavochkin La-5: One of the Soviet Union’s most advanced aircraft at the time, pilots of the 1st Czechoslovak Independent Fighter Aviation Regiment used this aircraft in the Eastern Front. Leopold Srom would land one at the Zolna airfield on September 17, 1944.

• Messerschmitt Me 262: Considered the most advanced fighter craft during WWII, it was constructed by Germany and was the first aircraft to utilize a jet-powered engine. It was used mostly by Nazi fighter pilots in the war but was occasionally captured and used by Czech pilots. Eventually it was adopted by the Czechoslovak Air Force and used in small numbers after the war.

North Africa and Middle Eastern Forces: 

The 11th Czechoslovak Infantry Battalion-East, formerly the 4th Infantry Regiment, served under the British military within the Middle East and the Mediterranean. Made up of 280 Czech and Slovak soldiers who left occupied France for training in the British territory of Mandatory Palestine, the battalion was composed of 4 rifle companies and a support arms company under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Karel Klapalek. They would be given training to acclimatize to the unfamiliar desert environment in December 1940, and afterwards were assigned to Egyptian military camps Sidi Bishr and later Agami. They would be assigned to guard duty along the Middle Eastern front until April 1941, when their units were absorbed into the British 23rd Infantry Brigade to participate in the invasion of Syria and Lebanon, which were under the control of the Vichy Nazi regime in France. 

Referred to as Operation Exporter, it was a multijoint campaign with multiple European powers participating. The 11th Czechoslovak Infantry Battalion-East was tasked with monitoring Iraqi oil fields and Syrian processing sites. As part of the Brigade, Czechoslovak forces would encounter surprising resistance from French forces, who held loyalty to Nazi-collaborationist leader Marshal Pétain. The French would surrender by July 11, 1941; however, the 11th Battalion would be reassigned to guarding the Turkish border. Despite requests for a transfer to Great Britain, they would later be assigned to defend the fortress of Tobruk, a port in Libya, under the Polish Independent Highland Infantry Brigade. 

• Siege of Tobruk

Defending 5,700 meters that included forts and dug-in guard posts along the western edge of Tobruk, Czechoslovak forces would participate in its defense during the Siege of Tobruk. On October 24, 1941, German and Italian forces under the command of Field Marshall Erwin Rommel would begin his last offensive in North Africa as part of the Western Desert campaign during the second half of WWII, with Tobruk within the frontlines. The siege in total lasted 152 days, starting from the 10th of April and growing in intensity until November 27, 1941. During that time, Czech and Slovak forces fought along British, Australian, and Polish divisions. 14 battalion members were KIA, with 26 being wounded and over 50 sustaining light injuries. With the Nazi front dismantled in Africa, the Nazis were badly wounded, and the 11th Czechoslovak Infantry Battalion East was absorbed by the 4th British Anti-Aircraft Brigade before leaving Tobruk, with veterans being named the Tobruk rats.

The 11th Battalion was reformed into the 200th Czechoslovak Light Anti-Aircraft Regiment on April 21, 1942, under the leadership of the British 4th Anti-Aircraft Brigade. Due to the Czechoslovak government-in-exile advocating for Czech citizens to join, this regiment swelled to 1,547 personnel. Made up of 3 battalions or 12 companies, they were numbered from 500 to 502 and companies 1-12, while being once again led by the newly promoted Colonel Klapalek. It took a while for the troops to familiarize themselves with operating anti-aircraft guns, eventually aiding Haifa, Israel, and the port of Beirut on July 21, 1942. Later in December, the regiment was assigned to the British 17th Brigade in defending Tobruk once again, and by July 23, 1943, was deployed to Liverpool in England to help guard the island kingdom.

Czech resistance

Sources:

• Pohanka, Vit. “Barium: One of Many Operations Launched by WWII Govt. in Exile.” Radio Prague International, 22 Apr. 2022, english.radio.cz/barium-one-many-operations-launched-wwii-govt-exile-8746483. 

• https://english.radio.cz/barium-one-many-operations-launched-wwii-govt-exile-8746483. 

• Connie Gentry. " Calling All Czechs! The Prague Uprising of 1945" https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/prague-uprising-1945. Published May 5, 2020. Accessed June 24, 2025.

• Demetz, Peter. Prague in Danger. Ingram International Inc, 2009.

• Polišenský, Josef V. History of Czechoslovakia in Outline. Sphinx Publishers, 1948. (121-131)

• McEnchroe, Thomas. “Legendary Czech Intelligence Chief to Be Reburied in Home Town.” Radio Prague International, 22 Apr. 2022, english.radio.cz/legendary-czech-intelligence-chief-be-reburied-home-town-8748424. 

General Sergěj Ingr would serve as the official representative of underground resistance forces, initially composed of military officers who stayed behind. His resistance would report to former president Beneš in London, conducting guerrilla tactics against the Nazi occupiers. One of their biggest operations was the assassination attempt on Deputy Reinhard Heydrich. Heydrich, a high-ranking Nazi officer assigned to be placed in charge of Bohemia and Moravia, would begin his reign of terror in 1942. As the head of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia government, he would sentence thousands to death, including President Prime Minister Alois Eliáš, a former Czech general who served for the Germans’ puppet government, only to be killed for his involvement in assisting anti-Nazi activities. He infamously ordered the mass deportations, expulsions, arrests, and executions of anyone who would question the Nazi regime. 

• Operation Anthropoid (May 27, 1942)

Heydrich would be injured by 4 resistance fighters in a assassination attempt on May 1942, as part of a planned assassination attempt organized by Benes' government-in-exile. Officially titled Operation Anthropoid, it was meant as a show of resilience to the rest of the world. It was one of the resistance movement’s most successful operations, although it did not prove effective in dissuading Czech collaborators, and in retaliation, occupying German forces would raze several villages, such as Lidice and Lezaky, to the ground, with many being killed or sent to concentration camps. Heydrich’s assassins, meanwhile, were forced to fight off dozens of German troops after being betrayed by one of their own, Karel Čurda. They would ultimately shoot and kill themselves after a six-hour firefight at the church of St. Cyril on May 28. On September 29, 1942, the Nazis sentenced 252 Czech civilians accused of assisting Heydrich’s assassins to the death penalty, with relatives of 2 of the assassins being sent to reeducation camps under the guise of being sent to become more “aryanized.” 

Regardless of how severe the Nazi response was to the Czechoslovak public, resistance continued with aid from the exiled government, which would send teams of paratroopers trained by the British Special Operations Executive to assist in chipping away at the Nazi occupation. One such team, the Barium team led by Lieutenant Josef Šandera, was able to begin organizing a network across occupied Bohemia despite continued persecution by the Gestapo and SS units. By the summer and fall of 1944, this network grew to over 380 Czech patriots whose cooperation would allow intelligence of Germany’s prototype V-2 ballistic missiles, the world's first long ranged missile, to be leaked to the Allied Nations, Eventually, with the network so spread out, German secret police infiltrated the resistance movement in October 1944, with over 100 members arrested. Key members were not found, however, and would restart the resistance in the small village of Polsko. Šandera and other members of the Barium team would eventually face betrayal by an informer and captured by the Nazis in January 1945, with Šandera hanging himself after refusing to become a double agent for the Nazis. Regardless of their tragic end, their sacrifices helped Czech and Slovak patriots to fight back against the regime and later restore Czechoslovakia's independence.

Another important resistance figure was Brigadier General František Moravec, who served valiantly in the Czechoslovak Legions in France and Italy before he became an intelligence officer in 1920. Serving with the Czechoslovak intelligence department throughout the 1920s and 30s, he would obtain Nazi plans for conquering all of Europe. His most famous informant was Agent A-54, aka Paul Thümmel, a member of the German counterintelligence service (Abwehr) who likely defected for money or lost faith in Nazi ideology. He worked with him starting from 1937, but his team was handicapped by the Munich Agreement in 1938. Powerless to stop the coming German occupation, he and other intelligence officers fled to Great Britain. They would also bring along several intelligence documents with the hope of coordinating a resistance network to resist the Nazi from London.

With the Germans being forced on the defensive in the aftermath of D-Day on June 6, 1944, occupied citizens across Nazi-controlled Europe would begin openly attacking their oppressors. Slovakian citizens, for example, declared an uprising against the fascist state and a call for arms to restore Czechoslovakia as a free republic. Local firefights took place throughout August 29, 1944, focused within the central Slovak town of Banská Bystrica. The Germans would lose a surprising amount of ground, much to Hitler’s fury. And by early May 1945, German forces would begin issuing full surrenders following massive losses and Adolf Hitler’s suicide at the end of April. Around 7,500 resistance fighters converged on Prague on May 5th, with around 30,000 estimated civilians joining efforts to liberate the capital. Regardless, the Germans still held control over Prague and parts of Czechoslovakia, deploying tanks and German armed forces (aka Wehrmacht) units against Czech partisans in what would be known as the Prague Rising. German flags and signs were either defaced or replaced, barricades were constructed, and Czech patriots spilled into an SS-occupied radio building that had been spewing Nazi propaganda. The following day would see over 1,600 barricades erected, along with a battalion of Russian POWs from the Russian Liberation Army defecting from the Germans and assisting the Czech resistance movement. Bombings began across the city, and the Germans began a desperate push into Prague, destroying barricades and even using civilians as human shields. 

Even with Germany in the midst of surrender negotiations on the 7th, fighting would continue into May 8th, with extreme fighting between Czech locals and the remaining SS units even after the surrender of the Wehrmacht Commander in Chief, General Toussaint. The Radio Prague station was secured from the German SS, with over 60 Czech civilians dying in the process. Czech resistance casualties led to a ceasefire agreement, and on May 9th, 1945, the Germans left Prague.

Role of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile 

Sources:

• Willoughby, Ian. “London Calling: Researcher Erica Harrison on Fascinating History of Czechoslovak Exile Government’s Wartime BBC Broadcasts.” Radio Prague International, 25 Jan. 2016, english.radio.cz/london-calling-researcher-erica-harrison-fascinating-history-czechoslovak-exile-8236000. 

• Mastny, Vojtech. “The Czechoslovak Government-in-Exile During World War II.” Jahrbücher Für Geschichte Osteuropas 27, no. 4 (1979): 548–63.

• Legrand, Jacques, and Derrik Mercer. Chronicle of the Second World War. Chronicle Communications, 1990. 

• Polišenský, Josef V. History of Czechoslovakia in Outline. Sphinx Publishers, 1948. (121-131)

• McEnchroe, Thomas. “Legendary Czech Intelligence Chief to Be Reburied in Home Town.” Radio Prague International, 22 Apr. 2022, english.radio.cz/legendary-czech-intelligence-chief-be-reburied-home-town-8748424. 

• Kerner, Robert J. “Constitutional Development in Czechoslovakia.” The American Political Science Review, vol. 13, no. 4, 1919, pp. 652–56. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/1944221. Accessed 13 Aug. 2025.

Having accused Germany of breaking the Munich Agreement by occupying all of Czechoslovakia, while claiming that this meant Czechoslovakia held the right to be recognized as an independent nation, former President Edvard Beneš would begin a provisional government for the Czechoslovak Republic in London on July 23, 1940. He would encourage citizens back home to resist the German occupation and assist the Allied Nations in any capacity. Initially, his efforts were met with mixed reactions in part of the larger European powers, not wanting to involve themselves in the affairs of the Czech people, as well as lingering resentments between Beneš and the Slovak peoples. However,  the rest of Europe would begin to see the necessity of organizing resistance movements in occupied nations like Czechoslovakia following the Nazi invasion of France.

After settling in London, the Czechoslovak National Committee would be reformed in England amid the fall of France, a longtime military ally. The contributions of Czechoslovak airmen at the Battle of Britain convinced the British government to recognize the legitimacy of Beneš’s government. In July 1941, Beneš would begin establishing treaties with Great Britain and Soviet Russia in hopes of gaining military support for liberating Czechoslovakia. The British initially wished for the Munich Agreement to be restored, to Beneš’s frustration. He attempted to build up relations with the Sudetenland by meeting with Wenzel Jaksch, an Eastern German Social Democratic politician who was in exile. He would also begin attempting to pressure Hácha’s government to stand down and recognize his administration, but to no avail. 

To improve his government’s diplomatic standing, Beneš made inroads in developing relations with the exiled Polish government, although disagreements were held over how close a proposed federation would be, as well as their opinions of Russia under the Soviets. He held an optimistic view of Stalin’s rulership and admired their past military victories, with Moscow’s ambassador suggesting a possibility of friendship with Czechoslovakia despite their official alliance with Nazi Germany. Intelligence would be shared between underground resistance movements and Russia, although Russia hardly provided any of its own. Still, diplomatic relations became closer following Hitler’s order to begin a full-scale invasion of Russia in June 1941.

An alliance would eventually be brokered between the Soviets, led by Joseph Stalin, who commanded the Russian Red Army, and the Czechoslovakian government-in-exile in Moscow on December 12, 1943, with both nations agreeing to support each other during and after the war. Russia and the United States officially recognized Beneš’ government and allowed the Czechs to create their own military unit within Soviet territory under the initial command of Britain. Beneš also decided on a more radical approach instead of appeasing prior demands regarding the Sudetenland, and instead agreed to the Czech resistance members’ demands to expel German ethnic sympathizers. He would also deride Hácha and his administration in Czechoslovakia as traitors, with the Protectorate government losing even more support amongst occupied Czech citizens. By August 1942, Great Britain would announce that it would no longer recognize the validity of the Munich Agreement, viewing Czechoslovakia's old borders as official.

Intelligence officer František Moravec would convince Beneš of the viability of an intelligence network in occupied Bohemia and Moravia. He was a significant contributing factor to the government-in-exile’s resistance operations, including coming up with and organizing Operation Anthropoid. Moravec would train and send the paratroopers responsible for assassinating Deputy Heydrich himself and would also organize dozens of resistance operations. The government would also assist Czech citizens through the BBC, which was the only means of reaching Nazi-occupied Czechoslovakia. Various shows and news reports would be viewed by Czech citizens in secret, under constant surveillance and threat of arrests or worse.

With the country’s liberation from the remaining German SS units by May 10, 1945, Dr. Edvard Beneš, along with his administration, would finally return to Prague on May 16 in the hopes of restoring the republic to its former glory. This optimism for the future of Czechoslovakia was soon dashed, unfortunately. The Soviets would demand that Czechoslovakia surrender part of the Carpatho-Ukraine region to Soviet Ukraine. This shift in attitude shocked Beneš, as the local Communists and the Soviets had long recognized this province as part of Czechoslovakia. This was part of Stalin’s strategy of consolidating power and pressuring their allies, with the Czechs in no position to contest as their nation was battle-torn from years of Nazi occupation and war. Although it was allowed its independence for a few years, Czechoslovakia would eventually become a satellite state aligned with the Soviet Union by 1948.

VI. Communist Period (1948–1989) 

Structure and role of the military in a Soviet-aligned state 

Sources:

• Tomek, Prokop. “Life with Soviet Troops in Czechoslovakia and after Their Withdrawal.” Folklore (Tartu, Estonia), vol. 70, no. 70, 2017, pp. 97–120, https://doi.org/10.7592/FEJF2017.70.tomek

• Rice, Condoleezza. The Soviet Union and the Czechoslovak Army, 1948-1983 : Uncertain Allegiance. Course Book, Princeton University Press, 1984, https://doi.org/10.1515/9781400856619, 31-156. 

As Red Army troops first entered Czechoslovakia on their way to Germany with the intent to drive out the Nazis, they were met with admiration and gratitude for their actions, with 120,000 soldiers sacrificing themselves in the process. This attitude lasted from 1945 to the 1968 Prague Spring event. Joseph Stalin would begin reigning in control of Eastern European countries liberated from the Nazis, including Czechoslovakia, with plans to create a massive buffer zone that would keep Western Capitalism at bay, and allow for communism to flourish. Each state would have a Soviet puppet government installed, including the newly established Czechoslovak Socialist Republic (ČSSR), controlled by the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ). While it remained an independent satellite state in the Eastern Bloc with its own government, Czechoslovakia, in practice, was increasingly under the influence of the Soviet government.

The Czechoslovak People's Army (1945-48)

The Czechoslovak People's Army (ČSLA) was formed in the wake of the Second World War, which tore down many political institutions and national military armies with the mass occupation of Europe by the Nazis. Many nations in Eastern and Central Europe were in dire straits after being devastated by numerous conflicts fought between the Nazis and the Red Army, with Soviet Russia scrambling to find surviving officers, resistance members, and local leaders who would be receptive to the Soviets’ communist ideals to establish their legitimacy. While Poland and other nations in the East became occupied by the Red Army as a means of establishing Communist rulership, Czechoslovakia had little Soviet presence, as both the Red Army and American forces left after the war ended. Additionally, many ČSSR civilians felt a sense of gratitude and respect for the Soviets in their efforts against the fascist occupiers. Edvard Beneš’s reformed government was recognized and well-received, having adopted a pro-Soviet foreign agenda after having formed a political alliance during the war. While the new USSR sought to absorb Czechoslovakia under the influence of the Red Army, President Beneš maintained a nationalist armed force that incorporated the various exiled Czechoslovak soldiers and officers from the war and retained many of its military traditions.

During the mid-1940s, the post-war political and military structure of Czechoslovakia was decided with the Kosice Government Program (or Kosice Accord) of April 1945, which agreed upon modeling the new Czechoslovak ČSLA based on the Red Army in the interest of improving military cooperation. It maintained an equal footing between the Soviet forces and the Czech and Slovak troops while advocating for an anti-fascist political stance. This and the liberation of Czechoslovakia solidified Communist influence in the Czechoslovak armed forces. Struggles, however, existed in establishing the officer corps in the army. 

ČSLA Officer Corps

In contrast to other European nations, which retained most of their officers after the war and were saddled by Nazi association, the KSČ were concerned about securing an ideological foothold during the reconstruction of the Czechoslovak armed forces, with several officers who served in Western European nations such as France and the United Kingdom during WWII threatening to challenge Communist domination. Attempts were made to limit the inclusion of pro-Western officers on the basis of the Kosice Accord’s wording that the new ČSLA would be effectively a “new” army, which would allow the famed Soviet liberators to prioritize their 1st Czechoslovak Army Corps officers for commanding positions. It was decided that the 1st Army Corps would be the center of the ČSSR officer corps, followed by the London-based Air Force corps, and thirdly, the Czechoslovak Defense Brigade stationed in France and the Middle East. Remaining considerations would be given to the Czech and Slovak partisans and then the resistance members, respectively. 

Under General Karel Janousek, the Czechoslovak Air Corps had served with such distinction within the British Royal Air Force (RAF) that the KSČ was forced to make their inclusion a top priority in spite of their pro-Western political leanings. The Defense Brigade, meanwhile, gained recognition for its heroic participation against the Nazis and Italians in conflicts such as the Siege of Tobruk in the North African Campaign, as well as in the liberation of France on the Western Front. Like the Air Corps, they were renowned as heroes and given officer positions reluctantly by the Communist Party. The Partisans, meanwhile, were far fewer but were mainly aligned with the Soviets in part due to their ranks being infiltrated by the Communist Party. Mainly based in Slovakia, they fought against the Nazi puppet government led by Josef Tiso, conducting numerous assassination attempts and acts of sabotage, with those advocating for anti-Fascist aggression receiving positions as well. Lastly, Slovak resistance members were given officer positions, with the KSČ and Stalin ensuring that those who participated in the Slovak National Uprising would not be considered for fear of a potential power struggle.

The 1945 generation of ČSLA officer corps was diverse in political beliefs and backgrounds, with many communists complaining that the army’s nature was too aligned with the bourgeois or middle class of the West. Only around 600 Communist-leaning officers were included out of thousands, and a 1946 revision process did not change this. Communist Party leader and Czech Prime Minister Klement Gottwald conspired to shift the ideological leanings of the officer corps through several measures. Many of the newly opened officer training schools were staffed by Soviet instructors, with a priority given to working-class backgrounds. ČSSR officers were exchanged with Soviet officers, and 1st Czechoslovak Army Corps officers were trained to fill the bulk of the Western air force group. While around 3,000 communist officers were introduced to the ČSLA by 1948, this only led to around 15% of officers being KSČ party members. This disturbed party officials, who decided that a much more radical approach was long overdue. Several potential officers, mainly those who served as army units-in-exile, were declared “compromised” and either blocked or fired. For example, President Beneš’ request for Sergei Ingr to be named defense minister was rejected in favor of Ludvik Svoboda, a Czech military veteran. While not a party member, he had served with the USSR and became an army general in the Red Army by 1945. Other considerations, including proposals, General Staff candidates were rejected by the Soviets, although two Londoners retained control within the Officer Corps leadership.

Overall, much of the Czechoslovak military and its leadership retained their status after the war, due in part to a lack of anti-Soviet attitudes. Despite being comforted by the general support of the USSR, however, the Soviets were wary of lingering resentments that Czechoslovak veterans potentially held from the years of the First World War. Concerns were held over the horrific fighting that occurred between the Czechoslovak Legion in Siberia and the Bolshevik armed forces, and the potential for lingering resentments within the ČSLA. In order to circumvent any non-Communist influences on the developing army, the KSČ decided to develop a Junior Corps and pushed for the party-aligned education of new officers. Packaged as an “enlightenment program” for the ČSLA and sanctioned by the Kosice Accords, candidates were prioritized based on displays of outstanding Communist “morals” and political purity (AKA left-leaning beliefs). This effort eventually became standardized under the new Main Department of Enlightenment. Led by Jaroslav Prochazka, the department was situated as a higher authority over commander officers, and several laws had been passed to limit any political party participation within the military outside of Communist Party participation approved by Prochazka’s department.

Issues in Fielding a Fully Sized Army

As the communization of the officer corps within the ČSLA continued, other problems emerged regarding the training and arming of combat units. Attempting to model the architecture of the Red Army proved to be a challenge, as party coalition forces bickered on how to effectively return the army to full operation. Only about 130,000 out of a projected 190,000 men were able to be organized into 11 incomplete divisions by 1948. By 1954, only 177,000 were ready out of the projected number of 240,000 men. While these issues were initially blamed on pro-Western interference in coordinating with the USSR armed forces, the fault truly lay in the Soviets' inability to keep up with providing enough trainers, firearms, equipment, and more. Other issues included the insistence on military staff being employed for brigade duties over hiring local civilians, as well as the slow rebuilding effort, and a lack of raw resources for Czechoslovakia’s famed armament industries. All these factors meant that training and fielding a full-sized army was not feasible. 

This was worsened as the USSR was overstretched in attempting to rebuild and arm all of Eastern Europe, leading to some promised supplies and armaments not being delivered. The Czechoslovak government even went as far as to ask for surplus supplies from the United States and Great Britain. While clothes, blankets, and boots were delivered, damaged and captured weapons transfers were blocked by the United States out of fears that Poland and other Soviet-aligned nations would begin requesting firearms, potentially triggering a diplomatic incident. While the U.S. reluctantly allowed the British to lend old British warplanes to the Czech military under the Lend-Lease agreement, further supplies were lukewarm, with the Czechs feeling insulted by their perceived treatment.

Attempts to rectify supply issues began in 1946, with the KSČ nationalizing all heavy industry, including arms production, under the Soviet Union. Noncommunist leaders within the National Defense Committee resigned on January 15th due to their accused failures and in part to avoid the abandonment of armament factories in Brno and Plzen to the east.

Police Forces

By 1946, a secret task force was created to assist Communist agents and to subjugate any anti-Communist elements, eventually leading to the formation of the People’s Militia. Additionally, a standardized police force was established in conjunction with the regular armed forces under the authority of the Ministry of the Interior for a brief period. They were inaugurated along with the Secret Police (StB), who arrested potential dissidents accused of crimes against the state, and the OBZ (Obranne Bezpecnostni Zpravodajstvi), a military intelligence unit. Led by Colonel Bedřich Reicin, a political appointee with no military experience, the OBZ conducted surveillance activities on active police and military personnel. This inevitably led to escalating rivalries with the StB, who spied on the military without approval themselves. Allied with Prochazka’s Department of Enlightenment, Reicin in practice held de facto power over the military, and despite demands from Coalition factions such as the National Socialists, the OBZ remained in power. These police organizations and the army were quite similar in their structure, from uniforms and training to what firearms were used. This was done so that no one organization could overpower the others.

The 1948 Czechoslovak coup d'état and the Aftermath (February 1948)

All police and armed forces collectively added up to around 20,000 men by the time February 1948 rolled by. Pro-Western and pro-Soviet factionism remained in the command structure, and the ČSLA was still undergoing a reorganization crisis by the time the February Revolution took place. The KSČ party, with backing from the USSR government, staged a coup d'état against the Czechoslovak government, with Beneš’ administration being usurped by Communist plants and agents. The ČSLA itself took no direct action, with Prime Minister Gottwald officially forming the People’s Militia headed by the General Staff of the People's Militia. In reaction to SnB claims of attempted illegal formations of militias by the National Socialist party, the People’s Militia was mobilized along with Communist-sympathetic military members and police organizations to take over the government. Despite this blatant takeover attempt, Beneš never ordered the army to resist these measures, potentially out of fears of the army being compromised, with the ČSLA not taking part officially in the revolution. At the same time, it remained an independent fighting force from the KSČ.

A coup was reportedly formed to stop the party takeover of the military before being reported and stopped by Genek Hruška. Western-leaning officers were immediately blamed for the attempted takeover and charged with treason. Those assigned outside of Czechoslovakia at this time seeking refuge in Western Europe and the US. So-called “Londoners” were tried and imprisoned, the General Staff of the military was removed, and 10% of all general staff were dismissed from service. General and Deputy Chief Heliodor Pika of the General Staff, an outspoken critic of Communism, was tried for treason and executed on June 22, 1949. Others removed by the purge included 124 officers of the ČSSR air corps, including General Karel Janoušek, who was handed an 18-year sentence. Even veteran airmen were suspected of being treasonous elements due to their ties to Great Britain and the West, with many fleeing the country and defecting to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to escape the purges. Reicin’s OBZ created false investigations and witch trials in justifying the purges, even leading false investigations against Communist officers in early 1949. Support was also furthered by claims of resistance attacks from ousted officers and personnel led by Lieutenant Colonel Josef Hruška and veteran resistance member General Karel Kultvsar in Slovakia. Over 2,000 Czechoslovak citizens were persecuted, with hundreds of officers being demoted to reserve status and dozens accused of espionage and terrorism.

In the end, while the communist coup was largely successful in securing party footholds over all of Czechoslovakia's institutions, a significant wall of distrust was erected. Those convicted, including Hruška, were seen as inconveniences for the Soviets, with many like Hruška being promptly executed.. This wedge formed between the ČSLA and the KSČ party, with only 1% of the newly elected Central Committee government possessing a military background. Furthermore, their operating force was encouraged to scale down for fear of retaliation, with conscripts from middle and upper-class families being selected over working-class families.

The ČSLA as a Socialist Army (1948-56)

The dismantling of the officer corps continued following the 1948 purges, with all still being considered suspects (even Communist officers trained by Moscow). Mid-1949 saw demands to replace the entity of the present ČSLA officer corps with new personnel, eventually engulfing Communist members and even members of the Russian-aligned 1st Czechoslovak Army Corps. The KSČ came under pressure from the USSR, Hungary, and Poland for not eliminating any anti-socialist dissidents as part of a concentrated effort to eliminate any trace of“disloyal” bourgeois nationalists. Prime Minister Gottwald almost gave in to Hungarian demands of allowing the direct deployment of Soviet troops, but the KSČ resisted. Although they relented that more vigilance in rooting out traitors was needed, Hungary insisted that Soviet security advisers help lead such efforts. They agreed, and around 26 of these advisors, led by Generals Likhachev and Markov, arrived in Czechoslovakia in the fall of 1949. New departments were formed, and a subdivision was dedicated to investigating officers, eventually being streamlined by the establishment of the Department of Defense and Security Affairs within the Central Committee, raising anti-KSČ sentiments. 

Other sources included the abandonment of diplomatic relations with Israel in 1949, in line with the rest of the Soviet Union’s diplomatic standing, as Czechoslovakia held closer ties with the Jewish state. They were even the main supplier of firearms for Israel's war against Palestine in 1949, which made abandoning relations a bitter pill to swallow. Zionist sentiments soon joined the group of ideologies proclaimed as attempting to undermine the state, with Slovak and Jewish civilians being targeted as suspected espionage groups. 

While most officers were considered career officers who rose through the ranks through performance and experience before 1950, only 1 career officer remained by July. Most of the army high command was purged by the summer, with a deep distrust in the Czech military elite leading to the dismissal of many. This included Czechoslovak Legionnaire veterans being replaced with political appointees who had no practical military experience. Army General Svoboda, for example, was replaced by Alexej Čepička, who had never served and instead became known for beginning the trend of brutal “closed” interrogations. While he was ethnically Czech, this did not calm down the purging of nationalistic elements as the new Chief of the General Staff, Prochazka, and others hammered down accusations of disloyalty within the ČSLA. Criticism intensified as senior military members like General Bruno Zapletal and Otto Slingow of the Brno regional committee faced more serious charges, with secret labor camps being established to torture and break down those accused of political crimes. Claims of conspiracy at one point led to 8 ČSSR generals being sentenced to a total of 128 years of imprisonment, only facing exoneration in 1968, and likely due to their Communist party allegiance.

These purges were led by Alexej Čepička officially, with Prochazka pulling the strings in secret. Under their orders, the People’s Militia operated as a secret police force investigating commissioned officers. Following the persecution of Slovaks and regional committees was the arrest of the ruling general party secretary, Rudolf Slansky. Čepička would again intensify the purges in June 1951 due to continued criticism of the state of affairs within the ČSLA. Those connected to Slansky, including military counterintelligence chief Bedřich Reicin, were arrested. This was likely due to Slansky representing a potential threat to Čepička’s influence as a founding member of the KSČ, with more purges being announced from 1952 to 1953 as he married Gottwald’s daughter to gain his favor and secure even more political influence. Many military officers, including generals, were sacrificed as stepping stones for Čepička’s career in an age of paranoia and suspicions of foreign espionage.

The Purges End

Further purges were planned for 1954 but never came to fruition as both Gottwald and Joseph Stalin would pass away in late 1953, shifting the balance of power in the Soviet bloc and satellite states. The authority of the Soviet military advisors was greatly diminished by the new USSR administration, and many chiefs were recalled to Moscow, with Generals Likhachev and Markov subsequently executed. Czechoslovakia and the KSČ were more than ready to leave the horrific past of the bloody purges behind them. With the proclamation of the new Soviet Premier, Malenkov, the USSR moved to reverse course from the purges, with a new commission of inquiry being led by A. E. Zapotocky in January 1955. Although much of the public was traumatized by the past few years, recovery soon began as the demand for a new military elite was recognized by 1954. Alexej Čepička was now tasked with following up on the rapid expansion of the Czechoslovak military by forming a loyal cohort of officers. He was also to model the reformed army after the Soviet Red Army of WWII.

Youth from working-class backgrounds were now encouraged to join through education programs as part of the second reformation of the officer corps. While few volunteered initially, an exclusive workers’ school was underway by 1948, with the Officers School of the New Generation graduating its first generation of officers by June 1949. The end of the purges demanded that the training of new officers be accelerated, with a need to replace the junior ranks after many were lost to the purges. Initial problems included how, to satisfy absurd recruiting quotas, educational and technical requirements were often dropped. This left many officers insufficiently educated. While many did not meet the requirement of having secondary-school level education, educators were successful in guaranteeing that the majority of officers were communist. Concerns of education led to incentive programs for secondary school graduates, and while they were initially paid skilled workers ’ wages to maintain the ideology of equal pay with workers, this was quickly dropped in the wake of needing professionals. Lastovicka, Prochazka, and Reicin, meanwhile, were removed from power in 1952, with the latter 2 being executed for their actions in the Slansky purge. Officer Vaclav Kratochvil would replace Reicin’s position as Chief, and Thor would join the High Command, with Čepička and deputy minister of defense Genek Hruška retaining their positions. 

The end of the purges saw many former officers and Communist Party members stripped of their ranks and membership return to duty after 1954, with the officer corps becoming professionalized. Throughout the early 1950s, the Soviets attempted to restore relations between the party and the military while creating a new military caste that would create a military force strong enough to ward off the strengthening NATO. Army regulations were overturned in July 1950, a praise and rewards system replaced internal reporting of fellow suspected dissidents, and a political education program was formed in July 1949 by General Prochazka, a Marxist intellectual who served previously as political commissar for the 1st Army Corps. This political education was carried out by party members and members of the SnB, leading to police influence within the military. This would be institutionalized with the Main Political Administration's formation in 1950, with soldiers being directly indoctrinated by Communist ideology. The program was furthered by Lastovicka, who pushed for each unit to have a dedicated deputy commander of political affairs in charge of educating their fellow soldiers on Communist politics.

Sovietization and Strategic Defense

Campaigns sought to ingrain Czechoslovak military units with an overriding sense of Soviet identification, with aspects of Soviet culture, such as symbols and military customs, being taught along with courses on Soviet Russia work culture and the history of the Red Army. The Czechoslovak People’s Army (ČSLA) was significantly reorganized in 1950 to incorporate the Communist Party officially within its command structure while creating a similar structure of authority to the Red Army. This led to an emphasis on supporting ground troops over air or sea units, with one thousand Soviet advisers arriving in August 1950 to facilitate this change. In line with Soviet conscription laws, Czechoslovak men at 19 were sent to mandatory military service, with those between 17 and 60 being eligible for wartime conscription. Women were also given the option to volunteer during peacetime and to be drafted in times of war, and those living outside the nation would be required to report to the nearest Soviet bloc state if drafted.

A large military establishment was formed in the 1950s, reaching around 140,000 by 1950. This was expanded to 250,000 by 1951, with 100,000 being assigned to the border guard and around 200,000 to local militias. Over 1 million were designated as reserve units, reaching a total of 1.5 million Czechoslovakians ready for combat at a moment's notice. This expansion was conducted from the underlying belief that war was imminent with NATO, with Alexej Čepička pushing for further funding of the military. This demand for the modernization of the ČSLA drastically changed the economic makeup of Czechoslovakia, with a massive focus on heavy industry overtaking everything else. This led to a need for imports, as Czechoslovakia lacked raw deposits including copper, iron, aluminum, and crude oil for processing. While France initially served as a supplier alongside the Soviet Union, a NATO embargo in 1950 prevented any trade of raw resources from Western nations. The ČSSR became incredibly dependent on Soviet trade in order to revitalize its renowned military industries, including the production of armored vehicles, firearms, and other military equipment. 

Development was once again centered at the Skoda Works industrial conglomerate, although the KSČ had splintered it under several nationalized industrial corporations, one of which was named the Lenin Works in 1951. Production would explode with new Soviet-licensed vehicles such as the MiG-15 fighter jet, as well as small arms and weapons such as the Skorpion machine pistol, Czechoslovak submachine guns, and Czech variants on the Russian Kalashnikov pattern rifles. While the ČSLA was mainly infantry and an officer corps slowly rebuilding itself, the Soviets were pushing ahead to modernize the ČSSR armed forces.

The ČSLA was slightly reduced by around 30,000 men around 1955-56 out of a desire to promote diplomatic relations with NATO and to stall the rearmament of West Germany. Additionally, Czechoslovakia’s funding for its heavy industrial economy began to slow down as it was considered by the new Soviet leader, Georgy Malenkov, and future administrations as not sustainable financially. Lastly, the Soviet Union desired to prioritize its resources in influencing the development of third-world nations. The USSR sought to pivot away from relying on supporting Communist guerrilla factions to control developing countries and wished to instead cultivate business relations with these formerly West-aligned nations. This would be via the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, acting officially as a third party. Respected as a significant arms producer and industrial heavyweight, Czechoslovakia began to offer military support in the form of firearms, military tutoring of officers, and technician education. The Czech and Slovak peoples, resultantly found themselves in a new position of prestige within the Soviet Union. 

The De-Stalinization of the Czechoslovak Army (1956-August 1968)

New Approach to Soviet Unity

The dawn of the Khrushchev administration saw the ČSLA reincorporated within the Warsaw Treaty Organization (WTO), a multilateral defense agreement with a new emphasis on the naturalization of bloc and allied states of the Soviet Union. While Czechoslovakia had always retained Czech and Slovak nationals within its command structure, the dismissal of Soviet military advisors saw the ČSLA shed some of its Soviet elements, at least on the surface. National Czech banners and symbolism replaced Soviet imagery as a means of portraying this image of autonomy, and symbolic efforts were made to equalize relations amongst Warsaw Pact armies through military magazines like Voennaia mysl' (Military Thought), academic articles, and rotating speeches at graduation ceremonies amongst Warsaw Pact nations. These efforts sought to create a sense of prestige and legitimacy amongst each of the Warsaw Pact’s standing armies that could rival the various armies of NATO. 

The Soviet military sought to imbue their influence differently from Stalin’s years by cultivating a sense of equality through visits from Soviet military leaders with Eastern Bloc military leaders. This allowed the Russians to subtly monitor their actions, while Russian language requirements and Soviet military traditions promoted a sense of loyalty to the Soviet Union. This sense of unity would also be promoted through the establishment of the Warsaw Pact, initially established in protest of NATO’s desire to incorporate West Germany into its military alliance. This pact would create a justified reasoning for stationing Soviet troops across the Eastern Bloc, including Czechoslovakia. During this transition period, the ČSLA made slow improvements to its arsenal and tactics to address its evolving role in the Warsaw Pact.

Eastern militaries like the Czechoslovak People’s Army received shipments of T-54 and T-55 tanks that replaced outdated tanks. MiG-21 and SU-7 aircraft were delivered, along with antitank missiles and self-propelled guns. SSMs (nuclear-capable delivery vehicles) would also be stationed across the northern Soviet borders, and ČSSR’s arms industries would begin pushing to export to other Socialist nations. While Khrushchev and the Warsaw Pact would face public embarrassment from leaked blackmail and the Cuban missile crisis of 1962, a balance would soon be sought within the military for preparedness of both a conventional and nuclear war. Preparedness shifted towards developing ground forces with support from air force units following a proposed retaliatory nuclear attack. While Eastern European armies like the ČSLA became reduced in size from this doctrine, they became better equipped with vehicles and equipment for use in nuclear warfare.

The Role of the ČSLA Shaken

Regardless, the Czechoslovak People’s Army was beginning to question their faith in their military alliance with the Soviets over concerns of their homeland’s defense not being prioritized in a potential nuclear war. Czechoslovakia began investigating how it could learn from the economic and political success of West Germany, much to the chagrin of the Soviets, who grew concerned over this ideological deviation. Further disagreements over nuclear deployments and the overall roles of their nation’s military also occurred, with the ČSLA being caught up in this rising disillusionment, as its modernization faced unique issues that challenged its perception among the public. 

Concerns over military budget spending intensified in 1966, as the public largely saw the continued modernization and maintenance of their armed forces as far too costly. With Czechoslovakia's economy so heavily reliant on heavy industry from their military-industrial complex, this led to the public growing sour in their views toward the military, with the ČSLA’s political representation diminishing as a result. By 1966, the 13th Congress saw representation of military interests shrink from 4.8% in 1962 to half that number. Waning public reception damaged the military’s credibility, and recruitment declined amid a need for a technically educated officer corps, which required extensive training. Issues had long persisted from the lack of educated hires from a lack of upward class mobility, as well as preexisting pacifist attitudes creating cultural strain. The harsh educational requirements dissuaded many of whatever remaining officers they kept from staying, and civilians also saw no place for the army’s existence in Czechoslovak society.

Antonín Novotný was especially disturbed by the public’s reaction to the ČSLA, with the army being largely seen as an alien-like organization whose authoritative and undemocratic nature was incompatible and even dangerous to Czechoslovak society. The KSČ’s ingrained grasp over the military was also pointed out, and despite Novotný’s attempts to dissuade these concerns, the leadership in the military began to split. Calls for punishment of those responsible for the prior military officer purges grew, worrying Novotný due to his own involvement. The Liberal faction saw some success with the convictions of Antonin Prchal, former colonel of the Ministry of the Interior, and Karel Kostal, deputy minister of internal affairs in 1956, with the Slovak leadership especially pushing for a top-down reform within the leadership. Internal questions over whether the KSČ party should have wielded such power within the military led to efforts to reduce the political dominance of communism within ČSLA officers. 

Without consulting Soviet officials, ČSSR military officials led by the new MPA chief, Prchlik, in 1965 experimented with a new command structure that separated the ČSLA from the direct influence of party politics. This debate over the military’s role deeply divided conservative political general Jan Šejna and liberal officers under the leadership of the MPA. The Czechoslovak People’s Army still felt incompatible within Czechoslovak nationalism, and the party made attempts to try and reconcile this image by alluding to past military heroes and victories from WWI and WWII, as well as promoting nationalistic military traditions. Still, even military conservatives by 1968 knew that a drastic measure was needed to justify the army’s existence, with the military facing rapid changes throughout the months leading up to the Soviet invasion.

The Prague Spring Movement (January-August 20, 1968)

The military elite was critically examining the client-state status of how the military operated, along with the influence of party relations. While cautiously eyeing Soviet reactions, the military was pushed to reform following public outrage over Antonín Novotný’s party. They became accused of attempting to utilize the military to support the conservative military factions in controlling the KSČ’s Central Committee. Major General Jan Šejna was promoted for this purpose by Novotný, with several party officials and officers supposedly conspiring in a political coup. This plan dramatically fell through, however, with the arrest of Novotný and the defection of Šejna. In what would become the Šejna Affair, General Šejna would escape to the United States after being indicted on charges of corruption, black market dealing, and misappropriation of funds, eventually leaving the USSR to become a CIA analyst. This affair was deeply embarrassing for the conservative Novotný administration in Czechoslovakia, showcasing mounting instability and furthering frustrations with the Soviets.

Liberals were emboldened by the affair, and anyone accused of cooperating with Jan Šejna’s faction was deeply scrutinized in the military. This included Minister of Defense Bohumir Lomsky, who vehemently denied his involvement, and Šejna’s superior, Miroslav Mamula, who was quickly replaced. A political awakening began over a crisis of faith in the conservative communist leadership and their affairs, with Alexej Čepička being dismissed over accusations of trying to create a “cult of personality” to further consolidate power. The Czechoslovak People’s Army’s public image was also badly damaged, with the army being branded as traitors and undermining the nation. Doubt even spread amongst officers as they questioned why a party politician with no actual military background was able to almost mount a coup using the military in the first place. There was widespread outrage both within and across the Soviet Union over this PR disaster, resulting in  the mass dismissal of any political officials or officers deemed conservative or those unwilling to agree to talks of reformation between political and military relations. Many, including Lomsky and others, were replaced with moderates who proclaimed serious intentions of reform. Dubček’s more liberal party faction was hesitant to eliminate all conservatives from the military. Still, Soviet-aligned conservatives were ridiculed and isolated in the military, with a liberal MPA leading a massive transformation of the ČSLA.

The military intelligentsia began a militant stance of reformation by blocking all access of the press corps to conservatives. Press junkets lambasted the military conservatives while praising the efforts of the liberal factions in reforming the military. Notably, the MPA and military elite’s interests were increasingly aligned. The KSČ’s central committee headed by Prchlik, the MPA, and the military elite, attempted to frame reform efforts to limit Communist party influence in the military as a restructuring. These proposed changes were planned to limit party control by installing the Committee on Defense and Security Affairs under the National Assembly, a communist but democratically elected body of officials that answers to the president instead of the first party official. Additionally, new party organizations would answer to the military commander instead of the MPA, with an insistence of the MPA distancing itself from directly intervening in military affairs. This new apparatus would have removed the innate ability of the party to involve itself in military personnel affairs, a radical change from Soviet doctrine that placed elected officials in advisory roles instead. It is important to note that this was not a rejection of communism existing within the military. The MPA instead sought to position itself as a guiding force for political education and morale rather than as a hostile administrative force.

Inspired by reforms in Yugoslavia’s military leadership, the ČSLA now needed to answer what the party’s leading role in the military was and if it should have any such role at all. Arguments persisted that party control be eliminated from the military, ensuring a nonpartisan defense force. Demands that nonparty military members be allowed to organize and promote an apolitical movement were deemed too extreme even for much of the liberal MPA, although these edicts were passed. The Club of Committed Nonparty Persons operated even amid disapproval from the Military Council to prevent any further public ire. Czechoslovak communists found their tolerance for these reforms pushed to their limits, and to prevent further infighting, it was decided that an official military-political system be put in place.

This accommodation was accepted by the MPA and the intelligentsia, with the Ministry of Defense seeking to address systemic issues, starting with discriminatory hiring practices that mainly impacted Slovaks. Many Slovak officers had previously lost their positions from the terror campaigns, and it was shockingly admitted that the Slovak language was outlawed as a command language. Slovak officers and military officials were the minority in the ČSLA, as Czech favoritism for advancement was prevalent. To rectify these issues, hiring quotas were implemented along with other programs, such as a dual program that hired different nationalities for the deputy and chief positions of each department. The rehabilitation of officers unfairly persecuted was another pressing matter, with a commission being formed by Colonel Frantisek Kundra. Retirement pensions and programs for officers were to be established, and priorities in defense spending were investigated. Lastly, the presence of the ČSLA was to be scaled down from public affairs, with their activities being reduced. The goals of the KSČ and the ČSLA were growing more apart, as fears mounted that further proposals to strip the army of party control would potentially open Pandora’s Box. 

Participation in the Warsaw Pact 

Sources:

• Musil, Jirí. The End of Czechoslovakia. Central European University Press, 1995.

• Frommer, Fred. “When Soviet-Led Forces Crushed the 1968 ‘Prague Spring.’” History.Com, A&E Television Networks, 14 Mar. 2022, www.history.com/articles/prague-spring-czechoslovakia-soviet-union. 

• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Warsaw_Pact_invasion_of_Czechoslovakia

• Rice, Condoleezza. The Soviet Union and the Czechoslovak Army, 1948-1983 : Uncertain Allegiance. Course Book, Princeton University Press, 1984, https://doi.org/10.1515/9781400856619, 31-156.

• Remingnton, Robin A. "Czechoslovakia and the Warsaw Pact." East European Quarterly, vol. 3, no. 3, 1969, pp. 315. ProQuest, http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.lib.uh.edu/scholarly-journals/czechoslovakia-warsaw-pact/docview/1297273840/se-2.

• Kopsa, Andy. “Czechoslovakia’s Velvet Revolution Started 30 Years Ago—But It Was Decades in the Making.” Time, Time, 16 Nov. 2019, time.com/5730106/velvet-revolution-history/. 

The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic became part of the Warsaw Pact in 1955 alongside 7 other Soviet-aligned nations, serving as a defense agreement in response to the creation of NATO. First implemented as the Warsaw Treaty of 1955 as a hurried protest against the rearmament of the West Germans, its purpose changed to remaining an active defense alliance until a “system of collective security is formed in Europe and a corresponding all-European treaty is concluded".  Its hurried organization began with only 2 organizations: the Political Consultative Committee and the Joint Command. This would expand in 1956 to include the Joint Secretariat and a Permanent Committee for Recommendations of Foreign Political Questions.

The drastic abandonment of Stalinist doctrine for a more pro-business approach in the mid-1950s created tensions over Malenkov’s direction for the USSR. Soviet-aligned conservative factions eventually replaced Malenkov with Nikita Khrushchev’s administration after lingering criticisms of the decline of heavy industry. A different Communist radicalist faction from Stalin, Khrushchev’s faction, sought to remove the legacy of Stalin from government systems and politics. His rule and the union itself became shaken, however, by revolutions taking place in Hungary and Poland. While negotiations were reached with a more liberal Polish leadership, the Hungarian Communist Party was threatened, and military action took place with an invasion in 1956. While reassuring that Soviet Control was maintained with the statement "On Friendship and Cooperation between the Soviet Union and Other Socialist States," it was clear that military relations had changed. Bloc states were now being encouraged to implement their own solutions to national problems over a general Soviet response.

Czechoslovakia remained a conservative faction that did not face the same reform that bloc state relations like Hungary and Poland had with the Soviet Union. Under Zapotocky and Antonín Novotný, Czechoslovakia was one of the nations that pressured the Soviets to occupy Hungary, with Novotný even suggesting the deployment of ČSLA troops, although this was rejected. Meanwhile, the Czechoslovak minister of defense, Alexej Čepička, found his ties to the years of terror against accused “traitors” within the officer corps, as well as his deceased father-in-law, former prime minister Gottwald, to be problematic. Zapotocky and Novotný faced a potential internal power struggle and decided to use Čepička as a sacrificial lamb under the pretense of reform, with Čepička dismissed and replaced by career military officer Bohumir Lomsky in April 1956.

In 1956, Soviet forces would use the pretense of saving the “socialist” effort to invade and occupy Hungary, justified by the Warsaw Pact. Any attempt to withdraw from the pact would be met with overwhelming military force, as in the following years, Khrushchev sought to maintain the waning influence of Soviet ideology post-Stalin, with the pact remaining the sole instrument of Soviet dominance after Romania became reluctant to integrate its economy under the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA). The pact became reinforced with Czechoslovakia recognizing the importance of furthering military cooperation with Soviet forces and the importance of Soviet doctrine. 

The late 50s and early 60s soon gave way to shifting concerns over the threat of nuclear warfare as nuclear weapons programs were advancing worldwide. Soviet military advisors in the past attempted to stifle these concerns with their insistence that the next big war would remain conventional and on the ground. This would change with Khrushchev consolidating full control of the USSR by 1960, as resources were shifted from infantry personnel and ground warfare towards the development of strategic rocket units. Any resistance to this new defense doctrine was abolished by 1963, with the threat of nuclear rockets being elevated to the highest priority of Soviet command. Bloc state armies were now operating on active military missions in supporting air defenses and ongoing military theaters, with officers and even defense ministers from between nations collaborating. The Soviets even began conducting joint military exercises and maneuvers in the fall of 1961. 

Czechoslovakia National Doctrine

However, Czechoslovaks grew concerned over a proposed tenet of “limited warfare” introduced by Marshal V. D. Sokolovsky, as they fully expected the Soviets to support the defense of Czechoslovakia. Claims that the Soviets should expect a long, protracted war across all of the Soviet Union and that certain territories had varying priorities led to rising concerns amongst Czechs and Slovaks and a desire to seek alternative contingencies. Loss of faith in the socialist state following their loss in the Arab-Israeli conflict of 1967 led to different factions seeking solutions. One faction sought to replicate the European détente, focusing on forming a national defense doctrine based on geographic relations instead of based on class warfare. Small steps were taken in 1966 out of interest in the development of the Federal Republic of West Germany (FRG), with the Gottwald Military-Political Academy investigating its options. This worried Heniz Hoffman, defense minister of East Germany, and Walter Ulbricht, chairman of the State Council. 

This split furthered with the Czechs being resistant to the Soviets expanding nuclear troops stationed in Czechoslovakia out of fears that it would make their homeland a bigger target to NATO forces. Debates over these concerns eventually led to a compromise of these troops being assigned to the Strategic Rocket Forces Command, although the pact continued to splinter. Two factions emerged, with the Czechoslovaks, the Romanians, and the Hungarians (somewhat) becoming disenchanted with the pact versus those more loyal to Soviet Russia: the GDR (East Germany), Poland, and the Bulgarians. A more radical military intelligentsia grew that questioned the value of Czechoslovakia's place in the Warsaw Pact, which led to a newly written doctrine and defensive strategies. This was along with internal struggles to sustain the Czechoslovak People’s Army’s modernization and later attempts to depoliticize the army from the Communist Party, drawing the ire of the Soviets.

The ČSLA took advantage of this liberalization period in 1986 to finally discuss in the open what role it should have for the defense of the ČSSR republic. This effort was officiated through the Action Program of the Ministry of Defense document and the memorandum of the Klement Gottwald Academy staff. The action plan suggested that, in the event that the Soviets could not be relied upon for the defense of Czechoslovakia, bilateral military assistance from neighboring pact countries should be explored. Furthermore, the plan stated that protracted war should be expected from both the east and west, and even in the form of smaller conflicts within its borders. It concluded that Czechoslovakia should focus on ratifying a nationalized military doctrine independent of the USSR. A memorandum created by military-political academics in Czechoslovakia supported this claim, with the intelligentsia agreeing to the necessity of a doctrine that prioritized national interests over the ideological interests of the Soviet Union. This was concluded based on Czechoslovakia’s geographic location in Central Europe as a potential buffer zone and as a corridor for NATO invading forces if war broke out, its lack of raw resources, and its fledgling cultural and political status internationally.

The memo also investigated Warsaw Pact expert claims of the military relationship between West Germany and the rest of NATO, with many analysts having claimed that the FRG was an imminent threat to the Czechs and Poles. This was found to be a play on past resentments built up from Hitler’s brutal occupation of Eastern Europe during WWII. The Soviets claimed that troop deployments near the Iron Curtain were necessary to prevent future retaliation from West Germany. The memorandum decided that this threat was overplayed as part of Brezhnev’s plan to utilize East Germany, Czechoslovakia, and Poland as buffer states. Czechoslovakia would continue to follow the general mandate of the Soviet Union. However, it would also secretly begin to prioritize its well-being through other means, including possible diplomatic measures with the rest of Europe, out of fears of future nuclear war.

Soviet officials were outraged by the memo, with the Ministry of Defense officially condemning it. This was despite the fact that they privately agreed with its findings and secretly desired a more beneficial position within the existing pact. They saw that Czechoslovakia’s place in the pact endangered far more than the bloc states or Russia and sought to reposition itself as a more active decision maker within the socialist alliance. Relations with the Soviets were rapidly deteriorating, with former MPA head and now the Central Committee's chief of military affairs, Vaclav Prchlik, demanding the removal of all Soviet troops from Czechoslovakia 2 weeks after they were set to leave following a joint military exercise. Despite attempted reassurances of their eventual departure, several units remained in Czech territory. Prchlík admitted on July 17th that they were unsure when they would leave, embarrassing the Czech military elite. Fears of a Soviet occupation worsened with five Warsaw Pact nations (USSR, Poland, Bulgaria, East Germany, and Hungary) meeting to rebuke Czechoslovakia’s straying from Soviet doctrine with a warning of organized military action.

Prchlík directly challenged the five nations regarding the unfair position that Czechoslovakia was put in by the pact. He demanded that revisions be considered, while condemning threats to his nation’s sovereignty on the basis that their right to self-rule was a core tenet of the Warsaw Agreement. Czechoslovak officials Dzúr and Pepich also subtly criticized the pact, with all agreeing on the desire for active participation and asking for a true joint command instead of a Soviet Russian hegemony. Prchlik, however, did not hold back and stated that he was prepared to fight off invading Soviet troops, with his comments inflaming the Soviets so much that they launched a mass invasion of Czechoslovakia on July 23, 1968. Troops advanced in an attempt to restore centralization of authority and shut down the liberalization efforts for fears of naturalization leading to Czechoslovakia leaving the pact and a potential domino effect.

Reaction to the 1968 Prague Spring and invasion 

Sources:

• Frommer, Fred. “When Soviet-Led Forces Crushed the 1968 ‘Prague Spring.’” History.Com, A&E Television Networks, 14 Mar. 2022, www.history.com/articles/prague-spring-czechoslovakia-soviet-union. 

• Musil, Jirí. The End of Czechoslovakia. Central European University Press, 1995.

• “Soviet Invasion of Czechoslovakia, 1968.” U.S. Department of State, history.state.gov/milestones/1961-1968/soviet-invasion-czechoslavkia. Accessed 24 June 2025. 

• Bischof, Günter, et al. The Prague Spring and the Warsaw Pact Invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. 1st ed., The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, 2010, pp. xii–xii.

• Rice, Condoleezza. The Soviet Union and the Czechoslovak Army, 1948-1983 : Uncertain Allegiance. Course Book, Princeton University Press, 1984, https://doi.org/10.1515/9781400856619, 157-246.

• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Warsaw_Pact_invasion_of_Czechoslovakia

• Kenety, Brian. “1989: The Velvet Revolution in Context (or How ‘November’ Began in ‘January’).” Radio Prague International, 16 Nov. 2019, english.radio.cz/1989-velvet-revolution-context-or-how-november-began-january-8115387.   

The 1968 Warsaw Pact Invasion

The invasion got underway without major resistance from the ČSLA, with armed forces ordered to stay neutral as Soviet troops advanced across Czechoslovakia. Outside of potential assistance from Salgovic’s StB security forces (who likely collaborated with the KGB) and Eastern Slovak general Samuel Kodaj, who was sympathetic to the Soviets, little evidence remained of Czechoslovak forces assisting in occupation efforts, with many locked within their barracks. Much of the leadership maintained that they were ignorant of when and how the invasion would occur, sweeping themselves of any involvement. Even many of the pro-Soviet hardliners decried the invasion for a whole year before reversing course and praising the Soviet military efforts. When around 20,000 Warsaw Pact troops landed, the ČSLA barely cooperated and refused to welcome their occupiers during the initial month, with the army command instead charting a course of normalization. This was amid minor resistance to occupying forces, the continued tenure of liberal party leaders, and uncertainty among the Soviet leadership of how to proceed. Unrest would continue until the spring of 1969. While some concessions would be granted, most liberalization military reforms were scaled back, with the MPA now being led by František Bedřich and the Eastern Military District led by Kodaj.

• Initial ČSLA Reactions to the Occupation

The relationship between the Czechoslovak military and the Soviet Armed Forces changed in the aftermath of the 1968 Prague Spring occupation of Czechoslovakia, with 75,000 Soviet troops and their families being sent to commandeered bases across Czechoslovakia in August 1968 with no end in sight. The ČSLA leadership decided that continuing the proposed action plan within the lines of Soviet cooperation would be the best course of action. Neutrality of the Czechoslovak People’s Army was maintained, with attempts to create cooperative relations between the ČSLA and Soviet troops proving difficult at first. General Martin Dzúr encouraged these talks, with agreements made for a complete reversal from the 1968 reforms. An agreement would be signed, meanwhile, in accepting a proclaimed “temporary” occupation on October 16, 1968. Outside of Prchlik, it was met with reluctant acceptance by ČSLA leadership, with the treaty calling to reaffirm Soviet-Czechoslovak friendship. It also changed the official rationale for the invasion. First meant to quell internal dissent forces in Czechoslovakia, it was later painted as necessary to maintain Czechoslovakia as a shield against West German militarism.

This occupation was set to last for years as part of the 1968 October Agreement, with the newly founded Central Group of Forces (CGF) being stationed mainly in the Central and Western regions by the German border out of priority of guarding against a potential NATO invasion. For decades, they were spread across 33 bases, 4 airports, 3 military hospitals, 6 large storage areas, and 5 training areas. Out of the 5 CGF divisions, 2 were assigned to control central and North Bohemia, 1 across eastern Bohemia and northern Moravia, 1 in North Moravia, and 1 for all of Slovakia. Outside the capitals of Bohemia and Slovakia, most bases were in rural areas, with units being smaller and more poorly equipped compared to their brethren stationed in France.

The October Agreement led to a few advantages, as the burden of military expenditures was the Soviets’ responsibility, while housing and training facilities were to be provided by the Czechoslovaks. They were also given civil jurisdiction over the stationed Soviet troops, although it was limited to illegal actions claimed to be outside their official line of duty. The biggest issues they would face would be tackling reports of civilians clashing with occupying Soviet forces and dealing with ČSLA troops displaced by the invasion. Army Inspector General Smoldas stated that the acquisition and establishment of new barracks was to be a top priority, with ČSLA morale and discipline plummeting to the point that temporary facilities were quickly fabricated.

Attempting to salvage liberalization reforms of the ČSLA was another difficult task during the early days of the occupation. Minister of Defense Dzúr zur justified the reforms as having improved the capabilities of the ČSLA and improved internal unity while pledging that the army was ready to continue aiding the communist movement. Achievements like instituting a retirement pension and supporting placing Slovaks in command positions were lauded as evidence of the Prague Spring movement’s success. Another reform that was requested to stay was the ability for military leaders to have direct control over the military over party officials. While some reforms were actually made into law in the aftermath, conservative factions soon regained power. They sought to limit the power of the moderate leadership and pro-reformists, while the Central Committee's 8th Department was reestablished.

Reform efforts came under fire from the far-right MPA under chief František Bedřich, who took issue with the leadership of the Ministry of Defense. He rejected Dziir's defense of the liberalization movement and denied any ongoing provocations between ČSLA and Soviet troops. Many sidelined conservative generals began calling for a return of Communist Party rulership over the military. Insisting that the invasion was a justified measure against anti-Soviet, counterrevolutionary forces in Czechoslovakia, they claimed that treacherous elements were present within the ČSLA itself. The moderate ČSLA leadership was trampled under the wave of Soviet conservative backlash. Accusations of internal “counterrevolutionaries” in the army became more commonplace, with conservatives magnifying instances of anti-Soviet attitudes. This included claims that those not favoring liberalization were shamed and branded as traitors to Czechoslovakia.

• Reactions from the Public

Interactions between Czech civilians and CGF forces were taboo outside of organized and monitored groups on leave. Most interactions came from local civilians hired to work in the bases or from officers and their families, who were allowed to leave and visit local shops. They remained separated from Czechoslovak forces outside of joint field exercises and organized visits, likely to avoid potential conflict.

 Much of the Czechoslovak public was shocked by the actions of what they had long viewed as fellow Socialists struggling against the class systems of the West. Despite the Czechoslovak government and military being willing to cooperate, the occupation would see 135 Czechoslovak citizens being shot and even killed, with these incidents occurring mainly at checkpoints with little rhyme or reason by occupying troops. Major General Korbela of the military leadership admitted to several violent incidents occurring in violation of the October Agreement, with incidents including robberies, unwanted searches, assault, and worse. The public, over time, became distant and resentful towards Soviet occupiers, although large-scale demonstrations wouldn’t be organized until 1988. The largest public incident against the occupation peaked on April 3, 1969. The so-called “ice hockey” riots resulted from the victory of the Czechoslovak ice hockey team over the Soviet Red Army team in the World Championships, sparking nationalistic outcry. Soviet Aeroflot offices were damaged, with some ČSLA soldiers quelling the riots while others joined the rioters. A massive crackdown was launched, with the conservatives demanding that the moderates give in to their demands to accelerate normalization efforts.

Normalization of Soviet Occupation and the ČSLA (1969-1975)

The conservative factions sought to purge any liberalization elements associated with the Prague Spring movement. The MPA leadership, the intelligentsia, and Prchlik were among the initial casualties of those targeted by Soviet investigators. Meanwhile, those who authored the Gottwald Memorandum were being investigated by party officials for the documents supposedly discouraging full participation in the Warsaw Pact and being “anti-class.” The idea of national doctrine was also under fire, with criticism of underestimating the threat of West Germany and not incorporating enough elements from the official Communist Action Plan. Baseless claims were even spread that Czechoslovakia wished to leave the Warsaw Pact. The pact was defended as not needing reform, and criticism reached even retired MPA military officials, with Prchlik being accused of using his authority to select staff unsuited for the MPA. The MPA was to be separated from any elements of the Prague Spring movement. A commission investigated Prchlik on May 30, 1969, eventually sentencing him on October 16th to 3 years in prison. The authors of the Czech memo were sanctioned, their party membership revoked, and given dishonorable discharges. Gottswald Academy was also shut down and replaced with the Zapotocky Academy in Bratislava.

The command structure was also largely reorganized by 1970, with Martin Dzúr now praising the invasion efforts in stopping the counterrevolutionaries. Changes occurred in both military districts (Generals Kodaj and Valo), the Prague garrison (Killian), the Bratislava garrison (Figura), and the air and air defense forces (Cincar). The normalization movement of Czechoslovakia had largely reversed, but this transformation was not enough for Soviet officials, who continually pressured ČSLA and KSČ elites. They sought to restructure the MPA command and stimulate the Czechoslovak People's Army's combat cooperation with the Soviet army. Moreover, Dzur, Rusov, and Bedřich were obliged to visit Moscow and did so at least twice in the two months between January and March. With normalization efforts considered complete by the end of 1969, the reorganization of the army and its political structure became paramount. Control of the military was reaffirmed to belong to the KSČ and no one else. The military was to follow strict Soviet approved ideals of party control and to raise political ideology among its troops.

Party Loyalty in Question Again

Between 1970 and 1971, over 11,000 officers, along with 30,000 NCOs and several organizations, were forcibly expelled from the Czechoslovak military over supposed "antisocialist" activities. Many more were “retired,” and career officers were moved to reserve positions. A massive replacement effort was underway to refill the ČSLA with soldiers, staff, and officers with Communist Party loyalty.. Concerted by the new MPA leadership, the ČSLA was to become an institution that imbued its troops with Marxist-Lenist and class-conflict principles while instilling hatred of NATO and “imperialist” forces as their enemy. Professional military officers and the MPA butted heads over the implementation of political-ideological education, with enormous resources being expended on ideological training and numerous all-army conferences and working groups being held to discuss ideological topics. This education occurred at all levels of the people’s army, with an emphasis on political indoctrination for officers and technical staff to ensure top-down political compliance with Soviet ideology.

There was even a resurgent trend of choosing military officer candidates based on their political allegiance over military training and skill, as well as a preference for working-class backgrounds. Martin Korbela headed these efforts, but the MPA was not satisfied and demanded a consistent ideological profile across the board, with an emphasis on accelerating the officer corps’ communist education. This concentration of political education created numerous issues, including a lack of educated political officers. Around half of ČSLA party activists lacked a full ideological education by 1973, and volunteers were even being promoted to fill the quotas. As political loyalty was considered more important than education, however, officer candidates were quickly churned out from the Military-Political Faculty of the Bratislava Zapotocky School to address the issue of brain drain.

Military purges would lead to over half of all ČSLA officers being removed from duty, with educated personnel impacting all sectors of the military severely. Desperate to attract new officer candidates, the military began offering cash incentives for 3-6 years of service and monthly stipends for college students pursuing a military career. Military academies and advanced training schools were renovated, although education standards and service requirements were also lowered accordingly. By 1971, 15% of officers and 65% of warrant officers had not completed high school. A new education network was also developed that separated physical training from military education, with a greater emphasis on higher education and technical knowledge. An ROTC-like program was created for students who completed 9 years of education, and SVAZARM (the Union for Cooperation with the Army) was reformed from a civilian outfit to being under the direction of career officer Otakar Rytff. Similar to the YMCA, it was a public sports and recreation organization meant to attract potential military candidates. 

These efforts were not fully successful, with the border guard and the military counterintelligence service being transferred to the Interior Ministry starting in 1971 to consolidate their numbers. The People’s Militia would also see attempts to bolster their ranks to serve as a countering force to the ČSLA. They rose from about 70,000 men around the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia and doubled their numbers by 1978, only 40,000 short of ČSLA's total personnel. They were also far more militarized with heavy firearms and motorized units, including air defense units and light tanks. The militia ensured that the Czechoslovak People’s Army would not pose a potential threat to the Soviets’ political authority.. Lastly, ČSLA units were often left out of combat drills and negotiations during the Soviets’ dealings with developing third-world nations, with these duties being relegated now to the East Germans instead. This lingering distrust of the Czechoslovak armed forces would ensure their decline and once again put them in a position of having to rebuild their ranks under an ideological agenda of ensuring party loyalty before competency.

To ensure Soviet dominance over the direction of the ČSLA, 5 Soviet divisions would be permanently stationed in Czechoslovakia. A purposefully weakened Czechoslovak army would be reinforced by Soviet ranks to ensure they would be both compliant and reliant. This monitoring of Czechoslovakia was bolstered by Soviet officers who served as a “shadow” general staff similar to those positioned in East Germany. German and Polish officers served to coerce the ČSLA leadership into adopting the Soviet leadership style through routine visits. A benefit of this was that Warsaw Pact reformations previously advocated by the Czechoslovaks were granted. This included creating a Council of Defense Ministers, which allowed more equal input from Eastern European nations on USSR defense initiatives, along with a deputy minister of defense being installed and a Military Council for senior officers. Internal military decisions, on the other hand, were stifled by the Joint Technical Committee in conjunction with COMECON's Military-Industrial Committee. Each nation had a greater voice in the defense of the union at large, but domestic technological and weapons development was centralized by the Soviets. 

The ČSLA leadership distanced itself from the Prague Spring reformation movement and displayed nothing short of absolute praise for the Soviets’ intervention. Past attempts at creating a Czechoslovak-focused national doctrine were condemned and ridiculed, with Czechoslovakia becoming one of the biggest proponents of the Warsaw Pact alliance and Soviet internationalist efforts. However, the ČSLA was still struggling to recuperate its losses by 1975, with its image of military prestige tarnished by the invasion, dissuading young men from joining its ranks.

The End of Czechoslovakia (1975-1989)

Disintegration of the long-held union between the Czech and Slovak peoples was arguably inevitable and owed to several factors that separated them. Ethnic tensions had existed long before the establishment of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic as a USSR satellite state. Their languages and cultures had developed separately, with the two peoples not universally sharing the ideals of President Masaryk's 1920 Constitution of a united republic. The sphere of influence of Soviet communism also impacted the two regions separately. Prioritization of industrializing and establishing authority of power was initially more centralized in the Czech lands and especially in Prague. 

Czech and Slovak Divisions Deepen

The years following the Prague Spring movement and subsequent Soviet invasion of 1968, and all the way to the 1980s, were considered to be the worst years of failure in the eyes of Czech citizens. Communication had been rocky for years between both peoples, and while an attempt was made to equalize the development of industry and urbanization, they still eyed each other with distrust, which was worsened with the Soviet occupation of Czechoslovakia. Breakdowns in the KSČ party leadership, for example, occurred between Antonín Novotný and his Slovak colleagues, and especially Alexander Dubček. Dubček had criticized the centralization of the party’s power in Prague, while Novotný proclaimed that Dubček was a nationalist putting Slovak interests over the party’s interests. Later, the Extraordinary Congress of the Slovak Communist Party would reject Prague's 14th Extraordinary Party Congress in August 1968. This was on the grounds of lacking enough Slovak delegates, many of whom were struggling with crossing through occupied Czechoslovakia.

While the National Assembly granted Slovakia official statehood and all the symbols and offices that entailed, this did little to address increasing concerns of Prague centralism amongst Slovak nationalists. Czechs, meanwhile, grew resentful of the Slovaks and how reliable they were at carrying out the Soviet regime’s orders. The Constitutional Act on the Czechoslovak Federation was signed on January 1, 1969. It was meant to transition the socialist republic from a unitary state of centralized government into recognizing the dual governance of the Czech and Slovak lands as a federation. The union of the Czech and Slovak lands was becoming increasingly unstable, and in December 1970, attempts were made to strengthen the federation by strengthening most of its government organizations. These efforts were ineffective, however, as the government ruled that it had veto power over economic decision-making in 1971. The constitution would be amended so that legislative activities would be under direct control of the ČSSR government, making the Slovak Republic subordinate in practice. Individualistic rule was squashed as the Slovak National Council lost the right to freedom of local governance separate from Czech rule. Negotiations to appease Slovak discontent were unsuccessful, with attempted negotiations being rejected by the Czech public.

Attempts at federalization did not bring about the initial goals of equalization between Czech and Slovak societies as initially hoped and instead led to widening divisions. The Soviet party’s reformations of Czechoslovak society and the military changed from favoring Czech interests to Slovak interests, with none of the KSČ organizations being located in the Czech lands and the major party leaders being Slovakian. The purges and subsequent normalization period of the ČSSR mainly impacted Czechs, many of whom had pursued democratization only to be put down by Soviet occupation. The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia went through a dramatic hazing, with the top brass being implicated and condemned by the Soviet leadership. At least 1.5 million people saw their careers and jobs impacted during the Soviet “vetting” process. Many authors and writers were blacklisted, with thousands of books pulled, and the creative arts largely censored. This even affected the children of those implicated, affecting potential education and job opportunities.

The Slovak Communist Party and the Slovak public, in contrast, faced far less dire circumstances, with persecutions being much more lenient and much of the blame for seeking Western democratic styles of government being placed on the Czech people. The Slovaks who desired increased nationalization found themselves benefiting from the now federalized ČSSR under the USSR, with increased influence and decision-making. Many retained their jobs or found employment soon after, and Slovak policy encouraged cooperation with Soviet occupiers as being part of the larger socialist “family.” Czech citizens dismissed federalizing the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic as a shallow effort without democratic reforms, and this family model of rule arguably cost Slovaks the chance to reexamine their society in reinventing themselves for years.

Czech Dissident Movements

Leading up to the events in late 1989, reformists from Bratislava, Slovakia, would by chance meet with the leaders of Public Against Violence, a Slovak political movement that was the counterpart to the Czech Civic Forum. Czech resentments and desires for political change were ever-growing after decades of occupation, political pressure, and policing from the StB (secret police). Amid intense censorship and oppression, many dissidents felt pushed to the brink, with many demanding that the Czechoslovak government hold itself accountable for human rights commitments it had made in the Helsinki Accords, with Charter 77 being meant to promote civil liberties. Slovak dissidents, meanwhile, largely came from Christian religious movements, environmentalists, or alternative culturalists. While Czech activists largely supported Charter 77, less than 10,000 Slovak signatures would be collected.

Czech dissidents came from all backgrounds and strata, while Slovak dissidents were largely environmental activists or Catholics who sought to restore religious rights. While both people had been largely brought together under united economic, sociological, and demographic trends and Soviet policies, both societies experienced these changes in vastly different ways. Slovak society at large was receptive to Soviet governance, as following the Prague Spring, their quality of life arguably improved dramatically. While all of Czechoslovakia saw improvements in standards of living, Slovakia transformed from a largely agrarian society to an urbanized society with modern housing and townships replacing traditional Slovak villages. They also had much closer and personal relationships with local party officials compared to the distant and authoritative rulership that the Czechs faced. With Czechoslovakia under the rule of controversial Slovak politicians, President Gustáv Husák (r. 1975-89) and Secretary of the Central Committee of the KSČ Vasiľ Biľak, the Czechs saw this period as depressing in all aspects. Even Slovak citizens were critical of the Soviet emphasis on heavy industry and raw resource extraction, which harmed the environment and did not directly benefit Slovakia. Interestingly, while Czech groups increasingly desired to leave this federation in the face of years of decline, Slovak groups also sought dissolution. They began to see the image of a united federation as a needless farce amid their own continued success. 

The Velvet Revolution (November 17-28,1989)

The late 1980s would see the start of the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and the Soviet Union amid several factors, such as growing nationalistic movements, a lack of political representation amongst the bloc states and satellite nations, the handling of the Chernobyl meltdown incident, and infighting over then-USSR president Mikhail Gorbachev's economic and political reforms. Gorbachev sought to relieve the political dissent and economic downturn within the USSR, with his loosening of centralized control exposing weaknesses while allowing for democratic and national movements to gain traction. Germany, having long been split by the Berlin Wall as part of the Iron Curtain, saw itself unified once again on November 9, 1989. Political activist organizations, meanwhile, had been slowly gaining traction mainly in Bohemia and Moravia, now commonly known as “Czechia,”. Dissidents who resented Soviet Russia’s continued intervention in Czechoslovak affairs had been growing in numbers after the 1968 Prague Spring invasion, made up of students, partisans, religious activists, and more. One famous dissident was college student Jan Palach, who self-immolated as an act of protest in public on Jan. 16, 1969, and died 3 days later. Inspired by previous demonstrations, around 5,000 demonstrators protested in Wenceslas Square in protest of Soviet occupation as part of “Palach Week” in January 1989. Many were beaten and arrested by police and People’s Militia members.  This would serve as a prelude to the events of the Velvet Revolution, with more demonstrations organized for November 17, the 50th anniversary of the day Nazi’s executed student protestors during their occupation of Czechoslovakia. 

Public outrage would be sparked by the death of Jan Opletal, a medical student shot during anti-Nazi demonstrations on October 28, the anniversary of Czechoslovakia’s founding. Václav Havel, a dissident arrested for his participation in Palach Week and released on May 17, began writing up an appeal called “Několik vět,” or Several Sentences. This petition was signed by thousands and called for Communist authorities to relinquish their political and media control. During the October demonstrations, demonstrators were hosed, beaten, and arrested, with over 150 held overnight or longer. All the while, Communist administrations in Poland and other nations were crumbling, demonstrations would grow in scale throughout November, 8 days after the toppling of the Berlin Wall. Czechoslovak Prime Minister Ladislav Adamec recognized the growing demand for democratic reform, granting half-measures to try and quell the protestors. Emboldened by the Czechoslovak government’s response, demonstrators would gather on November 17th as part of an officially approved demonstration led by the Socialist Youth Union, which began at Charles University and was planned to move to the national cemetery at Vyšehrad.

While this Velvet Revolution was planned to be obtained through nonviolence, as suggested by its name, violence was sparked regardless, as around 15,000 students moved from the preapproved protest space and headed to the Prague city center. As their numbers grew, riot police and state security units blocked their movement at Národní třída. They brutally attacked the student demonstrators with extreme force, with rumors eventually spreading that a student named Milan Šmíd was even killed. In response, tens of thousands of protestors poured into Wenceslas Square and in other demonstrations nationwide. Additionally, the Civic Forum (Občanské Fórum) was officially formed by Havel and fellow dissidents, with members growing to the hundreds of thousands. The protests became so widespread that by the end of November, President Gustáv Husák would resign and one-party rule would be dismantled. Václav Havel himself would be elected as President of the newly formed Czech Republic on December 29, 1989.

VII. Post-1989: Democratic Transformation and NATO Membership 

Military reforms after the Velvet Revolution 

Sources:

• https://cs.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arm%C3%A1da_%C4%8Cesk%C3%A9_republiky

• https://cs.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ozbrojen%C3%A9_s%C3%ADly_%C4%8Cesk%C3%A9_republiky

• https://cs.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vojensk%C3%A1_kancel%C3%A1%C5%99_prezidenta_republiky

• https://cs.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hradn%C3%AD_str%C3%A1%C5%BE

• Tomek, Prokop. “Life with Soviet Troops in Czechoslovakia and after Their Withdrawal.” Folklore (Tartu, Estonia), vol. 70, no. 70, 2017, pp. 97–120, https://doi.org/10.7592/FEJF2017.70.tomek

• Musil, Jirí. The End of Czechoslovakia. Central European University Press, 1995.

• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Czech_and_Slovak_Federative_Republic

• Lieven, Anatol. “Russian Opposition to NATO Expansion.” World Today, vol. 51, no. 10, 1995, pp. 196–99.

• Nato. “NATO Member Countries.” NATO, www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_52044.htm#coldwar. Accessed 20 Aug. 2025. 

• Hrabal, Frantisek. “Ground Forces of the Army of the Czech Republic.” NATO’s Nations and Partners for Peace, no. 1, 2002, p. 36.

• Kriz, Zdenek. “Army and Politics in the Czech Republic Twenty Years after the Velvet Revolution.” Armed Forces and Society, vol. 36, no. 4, 2010, pp. 627–46, https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327X09358649.

• Zantovsky, Michael. “IN SEARCH OF ALLIES: Vaclav Havel and the Expansion of NATO.” World Affairs (Washington), vol. 177, no. 4, 2014, pp. 47–58.

• "Czech Republic : History of the Castle Guard began to be written a hundred years ago." MENA Report, 11 Dec., 2018. ProQuest, http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.lib.uh.edu/wire-feeds/czech-republic-history-castle-guard-began-be/docview/2154423552/se-2.

• Princ, Ivan. “POUSTNI STIT A POUSTNI BOURE 1990-1991 Vzpominky Ucastnika Valky v Perskem Zalivu /DESERT SHIELD AND DESERT STORM 1990 - 1991 Memories of Participant Gulf War.” Obrana a Strategie, vol. 2017, no. 2, 2017, p. 5, https://doi.org/10.3849/1802-7199.17.2017.02.005-026.

• Strasikova, Lucie. “Pouštní Bouře - Českoslovenští Chemici Šli Poprvé Do Války.” ČT24, ČT24 - Česká Televize, 26 Dec. 2010, ct24.ceskatelevize.cz/clanek/domaci/poustni-boure-ceskoslovensti-chemici-sli-poprve-do-valky-221335. Accessed 21 Aug. 2025. 

• Brezovska, Katarina. “Jak Žijí Čeští Veteráni Z Války v Perském Zálivu Po Deseti Letech.” Radio Prague International, 8 Apr. 2000, cesky.radio.cz/jak-ziji-cesti-veterani-z-valky-v-perskem-zalivu-po-deseti-letech-8039615. Accessed 21 Aug. 2025. 

• Havránek, Jan, and Jan Jireš. “Chapter 8 Václav Havel and NATO: Lessons of Leadership for the Atlantic Alliance.” Open Door: NATO and Euro-Atlantic Security After the Cold War, Transatlantic Leadership Network, Washington, D.C., 2019, pp. 173–196, transatlanticrelations.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/08-Havranek-1.pdf. Accessed 26 Aug. 2025. 

The Aftermath of Soviet Occupation

Many Czechs would come to celebrate the Soviet troops' final exit from Czechoslovakia in 1991 as the Iron Curtain was being shed. Throughout the early 1990s, Havel’s administration pushed for Czechoslovak–Soviet talks for Soviet military removal, first taking place in Prague on January 1, 1990. While the Soviets sought to delay troop removal based on housing, an agreement was reached by June 1991, with a second round of negotiations occurring the following month in Moscow. On February 26, 1990, Jiří Dienstbier, a former dissident and at the time the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Eduard Shevardnadze, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, signed a bilateral agreement in Moscow on the withdrawal of the Soviet forces from the Czechoslovak territory.

Their exited exposed over 25 years of buildup in ecological damage, especially the soil. Costing over one billion Czech crowns (thirty-six million euros), former training areas in Ralsko and Milovice saw years of cleanup, while barracks and other military estates were barely salvageable. Those in rural areas were the best off, and many former military complexes were converted into apartments, schools, hospitals, administrative offices, residential care homes, and shops. The former ČSLA also needed to be reduced in size, as it had an unsustainable standing army of over 200,000 troops, and the Czech Republic and Slovakia were separating into 2 nations.

Larger military zones in rural areas, however, were far more problematic in repurposing for new usage. One such zone is Milovice, a former training facility established all the way back in 1904, about 40 km northeast of Prague. It continuously changed hands over the years from the new Czechoslovak Army to the German Wehrmacht during WWII and afterwards back to the now Czechoslovak People’s Army (ČSLA). The Soviets’ previous stay in Milovice during their liberation of Czechoslovakia between May and November 1945 likely prompted them to quickly occupy it. Valuing its location away from the cities and its military facilities, they would establish Milovice as the headquarters of the Central Group of Forces, with a whole city being erected to accommodate this. The Soviets’ departure led to the abandonment of housing blocs, schools, shops, a hospital, and several other damaged buildings and establishments. Additionally, the population shrank from around 50,000 residents to only 1,200 of the original population. It was declared a town in 1991 and has been struggling to revitalize itself ever since.

A Short-Lived Union

In the aftermath of the breakup of the Velvet Revolution, Czechoslovakia was reformed into the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic (CSFR), a temporary nation whose name was meant to recognize the 2 newly formed constituent republics of the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Formed officially on April 23, 1990, it was meant to be a symbolic acknowledgment of each republic’s national identities. This union carried some benefits at first, with political freedom, free elections, and institutional reforms being implemented by President Václav Havel’s administration. However, many citizens felt hesitant to assign their preferences to any one political party after decades of forced loyalty to the Czechoslovak Communist Party. Struggles of stabilizing a new party system also included the presence of many parties, with some not even meeting the criteria to be considered for election. While approximately 83% of the population voted in the 1992 elections, many remained undecided and were unsure about which party to support. This volatility complicated political identification, a facet of democracies that eases decision-making and ideological conflicts. Additional declines in the quality of life on average and an uncertain path for the country to move towards led to public dissatisfaction with the CSFR government. Public optimism, support for former President Havel, and overall satisfaction significantly declined from 1990 to 1992, especially in Slovakia. Public trust in the federal government and the Federal Assembly also declined severely, although more so in Czechia than in Slovakia.

The union between Czechia and Slovakia would only last 2 years, as both republics saw their visions of their nation’s future culturally and economically separating ever further from each other. Slovakia had also longed to reassert its own identity. An unstable political climate exacerbated existing nationalistic and ethnic tensions between the Czech and Slovak peoples. Furthermore, the breakup of other multi-ethnic European nations from the dissolution of the USSR gave credibility to the Slovak arguments for independence. They claimed that since countries like Croatia and Slovenia were now recognized as independent states, Slovakia could be as well. On January 1, 1993, the two republics officially separated into 2 nations, with the Czech Republic looking ahead to a potential relationship with the United States and Western Europe.

• The Gulf War (Aug 2, 1990 – Feb 28, 1991)

The Czech and Slovak Federative Republic under President Havel would participate in Operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm within the Gulf War. They would serve as part of the Coalition of the Gulf War created by the United Nations Security Council. Iraqi President Saddam Hussein had previously accused Kuwaitis of meddling with oil prices and pumping oil from Iraqi territory. After Kuwait refused to give in to Hussain’s demands, he ordered 100,000 Iraqi troops to invade on August 2, 1990, shocking the entire world. The United Nations (UN) had delivered 12 resolutions condemning Iraq’s invasion and occupation of Kuwait before ultimately deciding to form a multinational coalition led by U.S. President George Bush and Saudi Arabian King Fahd’s forces, which was set on directly intervening in Iraqi ambitions of annexing Kuwait to expand its territorial dominance in the Middle East and to secure its vast oil reserves. Over 690,000 troops from over 28 nations would participate in the Gulf War, including Czechoslovakia. 

Their only major conflict as a union, the Federal Assembly of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic would agree to send a specialized anti-chemical military unit of around 200 men into Kuwait under resolution No. 97. Its designated goals were to respond and negate a possible chemical attack by Iraqi invaders as well as to provide first aid to affected Kuwaiti civilians. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia would host these troops, as they themselves lacked a substantial anti-chemical division in comparison to participating European nations. Saudi Arabia would also cover the costs of the CSFR unit’s activities, as well as give them $15 million for current and future NATO operations. The first 170 troops arrived by 13 giant C-5 Galaxy aircraft on December 11-14, 1990, with the rest arriving by February 1991. Their official formation consisted of: 

• Headquarters and staff.

• Combat units: 3× anti-chemical detachment, medical detachment.

• Security units: rear and technical security company, guard company, communications platoon, group of teachers of anti-chemical security and chemical material, and technical security.

On January 1, 1911, 2 detachments of the Czech anti-chemical unit would join the 4th and 20th brigades of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia Army (KSA). A medical detachment was sent to Hafar al-Batin base camp, while general staff, command forces, and a third anti-chemical detachment were deployed to King Khalid Military City (KKMC). Saudi Arabia held general authority over deployment and strategic management, although the unit commander decided how specific tasks were fulfilled. While Desert Shield prioritized the expulsion of Iraqi troops from Kuwait, Desert Storm saw Czechoslovak units moving up to the border along American and Saudi KSA troops to provide reconnaissance on potential chemical and radioactive threats. They were also to ward off these threats if present alongside the Saudi troops to the best of their abilities, to warn the public of chemical and radiation dangers, and lastly to train Saudi personnel in chemical protection.

Fighting alongside Kuwaiti and Saudi troops, they would officially finish their tasks by May 1991 and return home. Simultaneously, however, around 40 Czechoslovak citizens had been detained by Iraq as hostages, with the Czech Minister of Defense Miroslav Vacek leading the Good Will Mission to free them. On December 4, 1990, Vacek led private negotiations with Iraq, managing to free around 38 citizens and returning home the following week. Meanwhile, the Gulf War itself had later become infamous for various health issues that veterans became afflicted with years afterward, with many American soldiers being diagnosed with Persian Gulf syndrome. Around 30 Czech veterans of the Gulf War began suffering from constant headaches, joint pain, and teeth loss afterwards, with 2 more being afflicted with a rare cancer. While blamed officially on the usage of chemical nerve agents and carcinogenic fumes from the oil wells, suspicions were laid on the use of depleted uranium-filled anti-tank missiles, with fears of the unknown long-term effects of their radioactivity.

Entry into NATO

The CSFR’s participation in the Gulf War was partially part of a new trend that portrayed democratic national militaries as those who intervened against so-called “evil acts,” such as military aggression against other nations, natural disasters, famine, etc. It wanted to build positive relations with the United States and other NATO nations while proving itself as a fellow “Western” democracy. This new philosophy is what would push Czechia into participating more and more internationally in various operations around the world, and eventually lead it to one day become an official member of NATO. 

After it participated in the Gulf War, the Czech Republic, under President Havel, became anxious about its future as conditions in Eastern Europe deteriorated. The world was initially optimistic about the future with the reunification of Germany and the relatively peaceful dissolution of the Warsaw Pact. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), meanwhile, was struggling to redefine its purpose for existing without the Soviet Union. It sought to reunite Western and Eastern Europe by inviting former Warsaw Pact nations to establish liaison offices, with Václav Havel’s administration being the first to join. This was complicated as the end of the USSR created over a dozen new republics, with several facing militaristic factions and separatist movements, one of which led to a civil war breaking out in Yugoslavia. 

Although hesitation existed about joining another military alliance after decades of being under the Soviet sphere of influence with the Warsaw Pact, Havel believed that NATO would become crucial to restoring stability in the region. The Czech Republic had been actively participating in peacekeeping and security operations, having already joined the UN-run UNPROFOR in February 1992. This was part of NATO’s work within Croatia and later Bosnia and Herzegovina in the midst of several wars following the breakup of Yugoslavia. U.S. President Bill Clinton and his administration during this period were reluctant to expand NATO and deploy peacekeeping troops in these regions. They insisted on a hands-off approach, with President Havel asserting that such inaction would likely lead to more bloodshed. This was sadly proved right as Srebrenica, a NATO-secured zone in Bosnia and Herzegovina, was attacked by Bosnian Serbs, and a marketplace in the capital was bombed, leading to the bombings of Serbian weapon depots. 

President Havel would begin advocating for humanitarian intervention as part of the "Havel Doctrine." He abandoned part of his image of peaceful resistance in the midst of these years of violence post-USSR, realizing that NATO was the best chance at securing Eastern Europe. He and his political aides began approaching their American counterparts within the George H. W. Bush administration and later the Clinton administration. Upon the establishment of the Czech Republic as an independent nation from Slovakia on January 1, 1993, President Havel began pushing for the expansion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The United States and other European members were wary of upsetting the Russians, as the U.S. State Department believed that Russia would likely need to be deeply involved in the framing of a future European security alliance. They would try to compromise with former Eastern Bloc nations like the Czech Republic by offering customized and individualized security agreements with NATO under the Partnership for Peace (PfP) program in October 1993.

Fears soon started to pop up as Yugoslavia had separated into several nations, and Russian President Boris Yeltsin was seen as too unreliable and xenophobic to be considered a future ally. NATO members began to agree with Czech President Havel’s arguments of the necessity of enlarging NATO to project security and stability. American legislators and, eventually, President Bill Clinton would also become convinced to take action after listening to the unified lobbying of Czech, Hungarian, and Polish constituents. The NATO Participation Act of 1994 and the NATO Enlargement Facilitation Act of 1996 would be put into place, with the Czech capital of Prague being honored as the city selected for the declaration of expansion of NATO membership.

The Czech Republic would receive full entry into NATO on March 12, 1999, as part of a trend of eastward expansion, which proved to be anxiety-inducing for post-Soviet Russia. Yeltsin’s government had already been critical of NATO expansion, viewing the organization as a direct threat to Russia’s waning influence in the region while feeling resentful of the West. In an attempt to curtail further expansion, Russia had previously joined the Partnership for Peace, a NATO-sponsored organization for bilateral cooperation, with Russia joining in June 1994, to represent its interests. Regardless, NATO decided to continue accepting new members, with the Czech Republic joining before the turn of the new millennium and Slovakia later joining in 2004.

Forming the Czech Republic Military

The Czech Republic would remodel its military forces as the Armed Forces of the Czech Republic, made up of the Army of the Czech Republic (AČR), the Military Office of the President of the Republic, and the Prague Castle guard. All organizations are controlled by constitutional and other governmental bodies, as well as being under the direct authority of the President of the Czech Republic. The Army is led by the General Staff of the Army of the Czech Republic and serves as the core foundation of the Czech Republic’s Armed Forces, with each of the Army’s branches being led either by Land Forces Command or by Air Forces Command. The Ground Forces of the AČR were officially assigned to protect the sovereignty and security of the Czech Republic and to follow international treaties and military agreements. They would cooperate with other military branches as well as administrative and public bodies in implementing general projects and activities. By November 1, 1997, a headquarters of the Ground forces was established to organize all ground units under the authority of the AČR staff while being in line with the military structure of Western democracies. These forces would be organized through the implementation of brigades, independent units, facilities, and training/mobilization bases, with a focus on both border defense and supporting international operations.

The Military Office handles tasks directly given by the President, AKA the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, while the Castle Guard performs security operations for important government buildings and the Prague Castle grounds. It also performs honorary acts for official purposes. The latter 2 organizations are led by a chief who immediately answers to the Commander-in-Chief. The Prague Castle Guard in particular had its origins stretched all the way back to the founding of the First Czechoslovak Republic on December 3, 1918. Over 100 years old, this unit had served its duties in varying capacities, with the exception of its short replacement by the 1st Battalion of the Government Army of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, which took place during the German Nazi occupation of Czechoslovakia.

Beginning with military reforms by the CSFR, mandatory military conscription began to be slowly shifted out, with the minimum period of service being shortened from 24 months to 18 months in 1990. Later in 1993, the Czech Republic shortened it further to only 1 year, and by January 1, 2005 was fully abolished in favor of voluntary conscription of armed forces. Additionally, the Czech Armed Forces would be dramatically reduced from 106,400 troops in January 1993 to 63,300 by the end of 1995. They had also been restructured into corps-brigades to accommodate their integration into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO) organizational structure.

The depoliticizing of the newly formed Czech Republic military was one of its most important initial goals, as it needed to shed its legacy as a Communist party organization to complete its democratization. Civilian control was affirmed over the military as early as 1990 via democratic political institutions, with this ideal of civil control remaining paramount in Czech politics. Czech officers are also not directly involved in political affairs, unlike their past KSČ counterparts, only participating in the political process by either serving as military consultants/experts or as civilians.

Peacekeeping and NATO missions 

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• “International Security Assistance Force (ISAF).” Institute for the Study of War, www.understandingwar.org/international-security-assistance-force-isaf. Accessed 28 Aug. 2025. 

• “ISAF - Provincial Reconstruction Team in Logar.” Ministry of Defence & Armed Forces of the Czech Republic, 14 Jan. 2010, www.mo.gov.cz/scripts/detail.php?id=15011. Accessed 28 Aug. 2025. 

• “11th ACR Task Force RSM.” Ministry of Defence & Armed Forces of the Czech Republic, 2 Dec. 2015, www.mo.gov.cz/en/foreign-operations/history-czech-military-operations/11th-acr-task-force-rsm-117357/. Accessed 28 Aug. 2025. 

• “21st CAF Task Force RSM.” Ministry of Defence & Armed Forces of the Czech Republic, 15 June 2020, www.mo.gov.cz/en/foreign-operations/current/afg/kabul/21st-caf-task-force-rsm-221892/. Accessed 28 Aug. 2025. 

• “Resolute Support Mission in Afghanistan (2015-2021).” NATO, 1 Dec. 2021, www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_113694.htm. Accessed 28 Aug. 2025. 

• “12th Czech Armed Forces (CAF) Task Force EUTM in Mali.” Ministry of Defence & Armed Forces of the Czech Republic, 12 Dec. 2018, www.mo.gov.cz/en/foreign-operations/current-deployments/mali/mali-eu-tm-81230/. Accessed 28 Aug. 2025. 

• “Mali (MINUSMA).” Ministry of Defence & Armed Forces of the Czech Republic, 28 Jan. 2020, www.mo.gov.cz/en/foreign-operations/current-deployments/mali-minusma/mali-minusma-118542/. Accessed 28 Aug. 2025. 

• Sušanka, Adam. “The Uncertain Future of the Czech Army in Mali.” CZDEFENCE, 12 Sept. 2022, www.czdefence.com/article/the-uncertain-future-of-the-czech-army-in-mali. Accessed 28 Aug. 2025. 

• “Security Council Terminates Mandate of United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali, Unanimously Adopting Resolution 2690 (2023) | Meetings Coverage and Press Releases.” United Nations Meetings Coverage and Press Releases, United Nations, 30 June 2023, press.un.org/en/2023/sc15341.doc.htm. Accessed 28 Aug. 2025. 

• Šabatová, Kateřina. “Czech Republic and Its Current Involvement in NATO Missions.” CZDEFENCE, 13 Oct. 2022, www.czdefence.com/article/czech-republic-and-its-current-involvement-in-nato-missions. Accessed 28 Aug. 2025. 

Czech Peacekeeping Operations in the 1990s

• UNPROFOR (1992-95) and UNCRO (1995-96)

Before their full membership, the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic and later the Czech Republic participated in several United Nations peacekeeping operations throughout the 1990s, including the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) in Croatia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Yugoslav Wars (1992-95). In 1991, Yugoslavia collapsed into war factions with the states of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, the Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (later known as North Macedonia), Serbia, and Slovenia being formed. UNPROFOR was established by United Nations Security Council resolution No. 721 dated November 27, 1991, with the CSFR government resolving to participate on January 16, 1992. 500 men organized into 3 battalions were sent, consisting of active and former volunteers. Their deployment was officially approved by the UN on March 7, 1991, with the Federal Assembly also approving 4 days later. On March 13, 15 officers arrived as an advance force in the area of Plitvice Lakes, modern-day Croatia. In total, around 2,500 Czech and Slovak peacekeeping servicemen participated alongside French and Kenyan battalions.

As Serbs and Croatians were fighting in the areas of Zadar and Benkovac in January 1993, the Kenyan and French battalions were stalled, leaving CSFR troops to assist French servicemen under fire in Goleš, Drač, and Karin Plaž. And after the split of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic in January 1993, a combined Czech and Slovak Battalion would stay in Yugoslavia for a few months. The following April would see their replacement by a UN Battalion of Armed Forces of the Czech Republic. Their numbers swelled to 958 members, and consisted of mechanized units, recon forces, an anti-tank platoon, and a field surgical hospital, stationed in the proclaimed Republic of Srpska Krajina, also known as Sector South. 

UNPROFOR was later succeeded by the United Nations Confidence Restoration Operation (UNCRO) in Croatia. This mission was to establish treaty negotiations and ensure the sovereignty of Croatia, with the 2nd Peacekeeping Battalion of the Czech Republic joining UNCRO. Located in Sector South of UNPROFOR, this mission would take place from March 31, 1995 to January 15, 1996. A new Croatian offensive in Western Slavonia in May and later August 1995 led to new battalion priorities. 1 company was sent to guard Zagreb Airport, and others transferred UN materials to the new UN mission in Eastern Slavonia (UNTAES) and to Czech soldiers participating in the IFOR operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The battalion was reduced to 130 personnel and later disbanded in 1996, with overall operations considered completed on January 15, 1996.

• IFOR (1995-96) and SFOR (1996-2004)

The Czech Armed Forces (AČR) would later join the Implementation Force (IFOR) deployed to Bosnia and Herzegovina in December 1995 and afterwards the Stabilization Force in Bosnia and Herzegovina (SFOR) deployed after the Bosnian War (1992-95). Serbia-Montenegro, Croatia, and Bosnia-Hercegovina had split from Yugoslavia, with their respective presidents and representatives of the Muslim-Croat Federation of Bosnia-Hercegovina and the Bosnian Serb Republika Srpska meeting for a peace agreement. Overseen by the United States, it would be held in Dayton, Ohio, with a final agreement signing in Paris on December 14, 1995.

IFOR was established to ensure compliance with the Dayton Peace Agreement signed in December 1995, which ended the Bosnian War. The Czech Republic would join 13 other non-NATO nations to become part of IFOR on December 5, 1995. IFOR would be under the command of COMIFOR in Zagreb, Croatia, being tasked with defusing conflict between the armed forces of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republika Srpska (aka the Serb Republic). Their mission objectives included creating the Joint Military Commissions, which would act as the central political body to all nations adhering to the Peace Agreement, assume control of the airspace over Bosnia-Herzegovina and of the movement of military traffic, oversee the transfer of territory, and manage the marking of boundaries and Zones of Separation (ZOS) between both nations. Czech Ground Forces would deploy a mechanized battalion made up of 640 personnel to support Bosnia and Herzegovina operations during this time. This and allowing complete freedom of movement saw success in preventing further military conflict, with IFOR planned for a 1-year deployment. 

Operation parameters were far more mixed in regard to civilian goals, and after the 1996 elections, it was decided that a new stabilization force would be deployed. Wishing to maintain stability in regard to the Peace Agreement, U.S. President Bill Clinton ordered American troops deployed in Bosnia to remain there. With the passing of UN Security Council Resolution 1088 on December 12, 1996, the NATO-led SFOR would continue its operations in the region to promote further stability and the rebuilding of civil and political institutions. Serving more in a support role, SFOR would aid local civilian organizations in this reconstruction effort, with SFOR troops initially expected to remain in Bosnia and Herzegovina until June 1998. In March 1998, however, the Clinton administration proposed that NATO deployment in the region be continued indefinitely until they achieved the following goals in Bosnia:

1. Enforcement of the ceasefire

2. Police reforms and reimplementation

3. Overhauling the judicial system

4. Dissolution of outlawed institutions from before the Dayton Peace Agreements

5. Free access to independent media and democratic regulations for media 

6. Democratic elections free to all citizens

7. Free-market reforms

8. Organized returns for minority refugees

9. Creation of a multi-ethnic administration in Brcko

10. Full cooperation with the war crimes tribunal from all parties.

Over 34 nations, including the Czech Republic, contributed over SFOR’s tenure of duty, with American troops and other participants remaining until 2004. Duties of SFOR forces included the dismantling of minefields, security sweeps, capturing indicted criminals for a war crime tribunal, and aiding refugees. Weapons and ordnance were also collected and disposed of, with 11,000 weapons and 45,000 grenades being dismantled in 2003 alone. In June 2004, international leaders met at the 19th NATO summit in Istanbul, with all agreeing that the security situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina was acceptable. Operations would be discontinued on December 2, 2004, with a European Union-led operation, Operation Althea, taking its place shortly after. Over 1,100 international troops continue to keep the peace in Eastern Europe as part of Operation Althea to this day.

Peacekeeping Operations in Modern Times

By the 2020s, the Czech Republic had participated in either concluded or ongoing NATO and United Nations security operations:

• UNCRO (UN Confidence Restoration Operation in Croatia)

• UNTAES (UN Transitional Authority in Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium)

• UNMIBH (UN Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina)

• UNMOP (UN Mission of Observers in Prevlaka)

• UNMOT (UN Mission of Observers in Tajikistan)

• UNOSOM I (UN Operation in Somalia I)

• UNOMSIL (UN Observer Mission in Sierra Leone)

• UNTAG (UN Transition Assistance Group in Namibia)

• UNUMOZ (UN Operation in Mozambique)

• UNOMIL (UN Observer Mission in Liberia)

• UNAVEM I (UN Angola Verification Mission I)

• UNAVEM II (UN Angola Verification Mission II)

• UNGCI (UN Guards Contingent in Iraq)

• MINURSO (UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara)

• UNOMIG (UN Observer Mission in Georgia)

• MONUC (UN Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo)

• UNMIL (UN Mission in Liberia)

• UNMEE (UN Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea)

• UNMIK (UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo)

• UNAMA (UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan)

• MINUSMA (UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali)

• UNDOF (UN Disengagement Observer Force)

• MINUSCA (UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic)

The Czech Republic has prided itself on its many contributions to peacekeeping and security campaigns around the globe, with military observers, service officers, and experts on various subjects related to humanitarian operations being deployed as volunteers. When necessary, the Czech Republic has also sent military contingents, with AČR troops being trained specifically with the skills necessary for peacekeeping duties, along with mission-oriented training specifically for each operation. This is done at the Training Command - Military Academy in Vyškov, South Moravia, where NATO-centric and Czech peacekeeping troops are prepared for conducting peacekeeping operations in foreign territory. Some notable examples of the Czech Republic’s contributions to UN peacekeeping operations include the following:

• UNDOF (1974-Present)

This UN peacekeeping mission, UNDOF (United Nations Disengagement Observer Force), was formed on May 31, 1974, to supervise a ceasefire between the nations of Israel and Syria established in the aftermath of the 1973 Yom Kippur War. While UNDOF forces were only able to secure a zone of separation on the Israeli side, only a third of the proposed zone, recent years have seen an expansion of the mandate in Syria. Military garrisons are regularly maintained by international UNDOF observers and troops, with command being relocated from Camp Ziouani in Israel to Camp Faouar in Syria in 2018. Renewed every 6 months, the Czech Republic would begin helping with observer operations on July 5, 2015. 3 officers of the Czech Army would join, with Lt Col Pavel Polan, Major Roman Furst, and Lt Radek Zlamal joining UNDOF as Chief Military Training Cell, Staff Officer Training, and Staff Officer ITO, respectively. By 2020, the mandate for Czech AČR personnel would be raised to 10, serving at both Camp Ziouani and Camp Faouar, commanded at the time by Lieutenant Colonel Pavel Hanus. They continue to participate in observer duties at this time. 

• Sinai MFO (1981-Present)

The Multinational Force and Observers (MFO) is an ongoing UN peacekeeping security force established in Sinai, Egypt. With the signing of the Egypt–Israel peace treaty on March 26, 1979, UN peacekeeping forces were to be stationed in Sinai to ensure that Israel and Egypt adhere to agreements regarding future military build-ups at their respective borders. In November 2009, the Czech Armed Forces (AČR) joined MFO operations. Czech soldiers assigned to the first Czech Contingent (CZECHCON) arrived by November 17. 3 staff officers, a lieutenant colonel-ranked assistant chief of staff, a major-ranked force protection and security officer, and a major-ranked force engineering staff officer would be first deployed. This would be expanded by 13 positions on November 4, 2013, as part of the Fixed Wing Aviation Unit. They assist with transport and security operations utilizing an EADS CASA C-295 tactical aircraft. Two more positions were added in 2016, and from March to September 2023, the MFO would be commanded by Czech Force Commander Major General Pavel Kolář. The Force Engineering Staff Officer position was relinquished by the Czech Armed Forces in September 2024, and Fixed Wing Aviation Unit personnel currently serve a four-month tour of duty. They continue to serve as of 2025, with their duties including observational supervision, transport, and providing military support when needed.

• Kosovo KFOR (1999-Present)

After Kosovo sought independence from Yugoslavia with the Kosovo Liberation Army separatist militia, the United Nations Security Council passed Council Resolution No. 1244 on June 10, 1999. Meant to put an end to the ongoing Kosovo War, which had brought significant turmoil and embroiled several ethnic groups in conflict, the UN would begin operation "Joint Guardian" to secure Kosovo. Peacekeeping forces were deployed in Kosovo on June 12, 1999, later being designated by the UN as the Kosovo Force (KFOR). Czech Armed Forces (AČR) would join security efforts as part of the Czech Task Force to stabilize the region. They initially sent a reconnaissance group, later joined by a mechanized unit. From 2002 to July 2005, a joint KFOR battalion was formed between the Czech AČR and the Armed Forces of the Slovak Republic as part of the Multinational Brigade CENTRE. A ratio of 500 Czech soldiers and 100 Slovak soldiers would be present during this period.

AČR continued KFOR participation in 2008 and 2009 based on the Czech Republic's passing resolution No. 1179 on 22 October 2007. The 14th AČR Contingent in KFOR arrived in January 2009, formed from soldiers of the 151st Engineer Battalion, originally based in Bechyně, Czech Republic, and the 153rd Engineer Battalion from Olomouc, Czech Republic. They would serve for 6 months until they handed duties to the 15th Contingent of AČR in KFOR under Lieutenant Colonel Jiří Kývala. The assignment of AČR forces as part of the Czech Task Force in Kosovo continues to remain its primary mission in the Balkans, following SFOR’s completion in 2004. 

• Afghanistan ISAF (2001-14) and RSM (2015-21)

Following the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center in 2001 and U.S. President George W. Bush’s administration declaring war on the Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan, the United Nations Security Council would pass Resolution 1386. This authorized the mass deployment of a massive multinational security force with the support of all NATO-member nations at the time. The International Security Assistance Force would be formed on December 20, 2001, holding the direct responsibility of suppressing Taliban insurgent activities, along with additional directives to aid Afghan government troops with training and military support. Lasting from December 2001 to December 2014, their initial objectives were to maintain security inside and around the capital city of Kabul. This would be updated in October 2003, with NATO assuming control of ISAF operations that August, expanding their area of responsibility to a significant section of Afghanistan. NATO Supreme Allied Commander-Europe (SACEUR) General James Jones would oversee the creation of North, West, South, and East Regional Commands in Afghanistan to stabilize the region and aid Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT) efforts. 

The Czech Armed Forces (AČR) would begin their participation in Afghanistan on March 12, 2004, joining a multinational effort of 62,000 servicemen from 42 contributing countries. ISAF would come to encompass diplomatic relations with the Afghan government, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), non-governmental organizations, and US Forces-Afghanistan (USFOR-A). On February 11, 2008, the Czech Armed Forces would respond to requests for further support of ISAF operations by deploying their own Provincial Reconstruction Team in Logar, Afghanistan, to continue supporting the provisional Afghan government. Colonel Ivo Střecha assumed control of the 1st ACR Contingent PRT Logar, consisting of both military and civilian teams, the latter led by Václav Pecha. By April 2009, 580 Czech AČR troops had joined the ISAF, with several iterations of the PRT Logar team having served in 6-month terms. They worked in supporting security and reconstruction efforts in war-torn areas. Another operation unit had been assigned to the Kabul International Airport in 2010, with the AČR Task Force ISAF administrating and controlling all other Czech ISAF units operating in Afghanistan until the ISAF’s dissolution in December 2014. 

With the mission of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) considered officially completed by the end of 2014, it was then decided that Afghan security forces and institutions would require further training and support to maintain stability in the region. Members of the Afghan government and NATO nations had agreed beforehand to continue supporting the Afghan security forces at the 2012 NATO Summit in Chicago. This would be reaffirmed in 2014 with the Resolute Support Mission’s framework developed and ratified by the Afghan Parliament on November 27, 2014. Launched on January 1, 2015, RSM security forces under UN Security Council Resolution 2189 would continue the work of the ISAF in ensuring the security of Afghanistan. The 9th AČR Task Force ISAF would be succeeded by the 10th AČR Task Force RSM, operating in 3 contingents within Kabul. By April 29, 2015, 281 Czech personnel would be under the command of Colonel Vratislav Beran, with the task force being made up of:

• Command and Staff

• National Support Element

• Military Police (Protection Group)

• 15th AAT Unit - Air Adviser Team trains Afghan airmen to pilot and maintain Mi-17 and Mi-24 military helicopters

• 13th Field Surgical Team - The Czech Team reinforces the U.S. Military Hospital 

• Security personnel at the Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul

• Representatives at the Kabul and Bagram headquarters of RS

By February 2020, it was agreed that RSM forces would begin disengaging from Afghanistan operations, with the Taliban and the United States signing an agreement by April 2021. The mission would be officially terminated by September 2021, with all NATO forces, including Czech units, leaving the country.

• Mali MINUSMA (2013-23) and EUTM (2013-24)

The Republic of Mali in West Africa faced an insurgency by rebel forces under the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad in 2012. While the Armed Forces of the Republic of Mali saw success at first, rebel forces overtook several cities, pressuring the Malian government into assigning an interim president until elections could be held. UN security forces, including the Czech Republic, would be deployed to Mali to oversee the 2013 presidential elections and to prevent further conflict. 25 service members of the Special Forces Task Force of the Czech Armed Forces would enter the region in June 2015. They performed reconnaissance and special operations, mainly ceasing operations by 2016. The 601st Special Forces Group remained in cooperation with coalition partners in Northeast Mali until 2023.

The European Union Training Mission (EUTM) would also be launched in Mali from January 17, 2013, to May 17, 2024. This was a multinational mission to train Malian forces, providing military advice and suppressing insurgent activities in Northeast Mali. The Czech Republic joined this mission on September 9, 2018, supporting the Republic of Mali and delivering more military equipment. Assigned for months, the 12th Czech Task Force EUTM was commanded by Captain Zdenek Sluka and mainly formed from soldiers assigned to the 41st Mechanized Battalion based in Zatec and the 43rd Airborne Battalion based in Chrudim, Czechia. The 12th Czech Task Force EUTM was split into units, with the 1st Czech Unit guarding EUTM headquarters alongside French and Malian troops in the Malian capital of Bamako. The second unit trained Malian troops, with the Task Force mainly training Malian soldiers at the Koulikoro Training Centre (KTC).

The mandate of the Mali MINUSMA would be considered terminated by June 30, 2023, ceasing its operations, transferring its tasks, and withdrawing its personnel by December 31, 2023. Their removal would be insisted upon by Mali’s foreign affairs minister, as tensions had been brewing between Mali’s government and the UN over terrorist group activities and continued insecurity in the region. The Russian-backed Wagner Group, having arrived earlier in 2021, would be requested to replace UN military training and security efforts. While the Czech Republic had operated in the region since 2013, Malian relations with the West deteriorated, with Mali’s military junta government now pursuing relations with the Russian Federation, with the Czech Republic eventually deciding not to renew its mandate for 2023. Regardless, the activities of the Czech Armed Forces in Mali had helped to curb the activities of radical Islamic terror groups for around a decade, helping to secure the nation and contributing to training, education, and social centers for Malian citizens.

As of May 31, 2025, the Czech Republic has 4 staff officers on deployment with the ongoing United Nations Disengagement Observer Force (UNDOF), 3 experts as part of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA), 1 expert and 1 officer with the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), and 1 expert with the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). Its latest peacekeeping priorities regarding NATO are now focused on supporting operations in Iraq, Slovakia, Kosovo, and the Baltic states. In the aftermath of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, the Czech Republic decided to create a military alliance with Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria. Since September 2022, they have continued to enforce preexisting NATO military mandates and cooperate in protecting their airspace. 

Modern Czech Armed Forces structure and priorities 

Sources:

• Krc, Miroslav. “ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY AND PEACEKEEPING IN THE ARMY OF CZECH REPUBLIC.” Land Forces Academy Review, vol. 20, no. 2, 2015, p. 147.

• Prochazka, Josef. “The Defense Policy of Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic Since 1989: Stages, Milestones, Challenges, Priorities, and Lessons Learned.” Connections, vol. 8, no. 2, 2009, pp. 17–34. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/26326167. Accessed 25 June 2025.

• Kriz, Zdenek. “Czech Military Transformation: Towards Military Typical of Consolidated Democracy?” The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, vol. 23, no. 4, 2010, pp. 617–29, https://doi.org/10.1080/13518046.2010.525485.

• “Czech Military Model for New Members, NATO Transformation Chief Says.” BBC Monitoring European, BBC Worldwide Limited, 2009.

• “Czech Military Instructors Train Civilian Personnel for NATO.” BBC Monitoring European, BBC Worldwide Limited, 2007, p. 1.

• “USA Praises Czech Army for Fighting Terrorism - Czech Chief of Staff.” BBC Monitoring European, BBC Worldwide Limited, 2005, p. 1.

• Sarvas, Stefan. “Attitudes of the Czech Public toward National Security, the Military, and NATO Membership.” International Journal of Phytoremediation, vol. 11, no. 3, 1998, pp. 56–88, https://doi.org/10.1080/13518049808430350.

• “Most Czechs Trust Military, NATO - Poll.” BBC Monitoring European, BBC Worldwide Limited, 2007, p. 1.

• Office of Treaty Affairs. “Czech Republic (23-922) – Defense Cooperation Agreement.” U.S. Department of State, U.S. Department of State, 22 Sept. 2023, www.state.gov/czech-republic-23-922. 

• McCarthy, Jasmine. “Texas, Nebraska Guard Train with Czechia against Cyber Threats.” National Guard, 100th Mobile Public Affairs Detachment, 13 June 2025, www.nationalguard.mil/News/Article-View/Article/4215989/texas-nebraska-guard-train-with-czechia-against-cyber-threats/. 

• Sherman, Christy L. “Czech Partners Assist Texas Army Guard During Flood Response Efforts.” National Guard Bureau, National Guard, 23 July 2025, www.nationalguard.mil/News/State-Partnership-Program/Article/4253355/czech-partners-assist-texas-army-guard-during-flood-response-efforts/. 

• “The State Partnership Program (SPP).” U.S. Embassy in The Czech Republic, cz.usembassy.gov/our-relationship/state-partnership-program-spp/. Accessed 20 Aug. 2025. 

• “Czech Strategic Documents.” Ministry of Defence & Armed Forces of the Czech Republic, www.mo.gov.cz/en/ministry-of-defence/basic-documents/czech-strategic-documents-247532/. Accessed 3 Sept. 2025. 

• Pena, Elizabeth. “Texas Guard Special Forces Soldiers Awarded Medals by the Czech Republic.” Texas Military Department, 28 Oct. 2019, tmd.texas.gov/texas-guard-special-forces-soldiers-awarded-medals-by-the-czech-republic

• Hynes, Kevin. “Nebraska and Texas Guard Members March in Czech Republic.” National Guard, 2018, www.nationalguard.mil/Resources/Image-Gallery/News-Images/igphoto/2002058848/. 

• Williams , DeJon. “Texas, Nebraska ANG Benefit from State Partnership Program with Czech Republic.” National Guard, 7 Apr. 2017, www.nationalguard.mil/News/State-Partnership-Program/Article/1145070/texas-nebraska-ang-benefit-from-state-partnership-program-with-czech-republic/. 

• Lacy, Alicia. “Czech Forward Air Controllers Conduct Exchange with Texas Airmen.” National Guard, 22 Apr. 2016, www.nationalguard.mil/News/State-Partnership-Program/Article/740787/czech-forward-air-controllers-conduct-exchange-with-texas-airmen/. 

• Martinez, Daniel. “147th Attack Wing MQ-Reaper Completes Ace Movement in Europe.” National Guard, 20 June 2023, www.nationalguard.mil/News/Article-View/Article/3432060/147th-attack-wing-mq-reaper-completes-ace-movement-in-europe. 

With the dawn of the new millennium, internal reviews took place within the Czech Armed Forces to ensure the military was in line with the military goals of the Czech Republic. Retired Lieutenant General Daniel Schroeder would conduct an internal evaluation under the request of Minister of Defense Jaroslav Tvrdík, reviewing military reforms introduced to the Government of the Czech Republic on April 29, 2002. It saw a projected downsizing of the Czech Army from the days of Soviet military buildup to about 34,000 and 36,000 professional soldiers, as well as eliminating conscription entirely by 2004. This was in line with military reforms since 1989 that sought the Czech military to be reformed more in line with the parameters of Western military forces. The military had also undergone a cultural reformation that separated itself from Communist party politics towards becoming a democratic organization. It also changed its structure as a largely conscripted army prepared for mechanized warfare and prolonged conflict at the height of fears of a nuclear conflict towards becoming a much smaller, volunteer army. Defense of the Czechia state was deprioritized in favor of supporting and cooperating in international military missions, although Czech defense doctrine would be revived following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. 

By the mid-2000s, the majority of the Czech population approved the state of the Czech Armed Forces and their participation in NATO, with over 60% trusting the AČR and around 55% trusting NATO in a 2007 poll. The United States had developed strong ties with the Czech Republic with their continued cooperation in fighting terrorism in the Middle-East. In March 2009, the Czech Republic was praised for the capabilities of its standing army by NATO Supreme Allied Commander Transformation (SACT) and U.S. Joint Forces Command (USJFCOM) Commander General James Mattis. By the 10th anniversary of the Czech Republic becoming a full-fledged NATO member, it had rapidly conscripted an army of over 200,000 servicemen. Composing of ground, air, and supply units, General Mattis touted the Czech Republic’s armed forces as an example of a modern military structure for new NATO members to model after. The Czech Armed Forces continue to prioritize their participation in international security and peacekeeping operations bound by patriotism and adhering to democratic values as members of the European Union and NATO.

Current Defense Strategies

As of 2023, the United States and the Czech Republic have reaffirmed their commitment to cooperating to bilateral military defense, including the use of agreed upon military bases and areas by allied military forces, the requisition and distribution of war materials, the recognition that their respective military's presence ensures regional security, and more. With the advent of the Russian Invasion of Ukraine beginning in February 2022, the Czech Armed Forces under Defense Minister Jana Černochová decided that a “whole-of-government” and “whole-of-society” approach to defense was now imperative to ensuring the security of the Czech Republic. This defense strategy stresses the need of involvement from state institutions, local governing bodies, civil society, and individuals in contributing to national security as a collective. With the risk of war breaking out in Europe at its highest since the Cold War, defense minister Černochová reasserted the necessity of its involvement in NATO while building up its armed forces to match the capabilities of  potential adversaries including Russia and China.

This initiative comprises 2 parts: creating a well-armed and well-trained military capable of prolonged collective defence operations, and developing modernized operational plans for both Czech units and Allied forces for operating on Czech soil. Defense spending was increased to a minimum of 2% of GDP expenditure, with the option of raising this spending as deemed necessary. Defense against non-military threats were also recognized from this plan, including the rise of mass disinformation campaigns, economic subversion, and online cyber attacks threatening the security of the state. To combat these threats, it was decided that the military including reserve army units would be expanded and modernized. 

The Czech Republic has also begun to prepare for military initiatives in preparation of potential involvement in military conflicts, with an emphasis on future warfare. Visualizing possible requirements and operating environments that the Czech Armed Forces would need to prepare for into the 2040s and beyond, recent combat operations such as the ongoing Russian-Ukraine war, technological developments, and the evolving doctrines of NATO members were analyzed. The necessity of possessing military capabilities to fight in multi-domain operations simultaneously, including land, sea, air, and cyber domains, was highlighted, with hybrid operations becoming the norm as exemplified by the use of drone warfare in Ukraine. Artificial Intelligence (AI) and drones are becoming more standardized in accurately attacking enemies from incredible distances, while control over the flow of information and communication on the battlefield is increasingly vulnerable to cyber attacks. It was also decided that resupply-chains needed to become adaptable to multi-domain and rapidly changing conflict zones. 

Most recently, the Czech Republic has decided to begin incorporating a new military doctrine in 2025 that recognizes the continuing impact of climate change on modern warfare while incorporating new low-emission initiatives for military deployment. In line with EU and NATO defense frameworks, the AČR had begun to see climate change as a significant crisis factor. To mitigate the carbon footprint and pollution resulting from military developments, strategic initiatives were proposed, including promoting energy independence, improving military logistics with green technologies, revising training and health plans to account for climate-induced trends, and the construction of net-zero emission facilities.

Texas and the Czech Republic

Since 1993, the states of Texas and Nebraska have held state partnerships with the Czech Republic through their National Guards, as part of the U.S. Defense Department's State Partnership Program. It is meant to encourage internal cooperation between militaries and improve their readiness and capabilities. The Czech Armed Forces (AČR) continue to participate in joint training and drill exercises with Texas military and national guardsmen in fulfilling international military objectives set under United States European Command (USEUCOM). Activities of the partnership program include disaster readiness drills, providing humanitarian work to partnering states/nations, cyberdefenses, counterdrug work, supporting border and port security, reinforcing local authorities, and much more. Some examples of Texan and Czech military forces collaborating with each other include:

• On April 16, 2016, Texas Air National guardsmen trained with 4 Czech forward air controllers in Gila Bend, Arizona, as part of the annual State Program exchange. Around 24 members of the Texan 147th Air Support Operations Squadron, 147th Reconnaissance Wing participated in a weeklong, full-mock deployment with the Czech air controllers. This was unlike previous mock engagements, which often separated mission parameters including air support training and ground practice. Performed under live fire, Tactical Air Control Party (TACP) worked with ground units to demonstrate how to utilize air units for combat or humanitarian missions. They work with ground units to keep them safe with using the right ordnance for designated targets within air support missions. Members of the 147th also worked with several American aircraft along with the Arizona National Guard on a simulated air engagement. 

• Mexas and Nebraska Air National Guard personnel met with members of the Czech Air Force across several Czech air bases on March 20 to 23, 2017. Coordinated under Major Mark White of the U.S. Embassy-Prague, Czech military and U.S. National Guard maintenance units collaborated across 3 different bases. They shared ideas and procedures on maintaining various aircraft shown, gaining knowledge of how Texas, Nebraska, and the Czech Republic went about military maintenance.

• In celebration of the 100th anniversary of the original founding of Czechoslovakia in 1918, members of the Nebraska and Texas National Guard were invited to join the Czech Republic Military Parade, on October 28, 2018. They carried the U.S. flag as the parade marched across Prague. U.S. service members invited included: Tech. Sgt. Darren Davlin (Nebraska), Senior Airman Avery Prai (Nebraska), Pfc. Alexa Nelson (Nebraska), Sgt. 1st Class Robb Miller (Texas), Staff Sgt. Eric Halliburton (Texas), and Sgt. Adrian Tejerina (Texas).

• More recently, Nebraska and Texan National Guard cyber teams joined Czech cyber defense personnel from May 30 to Jun 13, 2025. Joining 26 other states and 15 partners, Texas and Nebraska partnered with Czechia for Cyber Shield 2025, the largest and longest joint military cyber defense program ever conducted by the U.S. Department of Defense. With the exponential rise in cyber threats, over 900 participants from all over the United States and its global partners joined in sharing knowledge and suggestions in reacting to cyber attack scenarios. Those who joined the Czech cyber team included the 72nd Brigade Combat Team and the 273rd Cyberspace Operations Squadron of the Texas National Guard.

• The following month saw several Czech firefighters and service dogs volunteering in rescue efforts following massive flooding in Hill County and Central Texas, from July 4 to 5, 2025. It was notably the first time the Czech Urban Search and Rescue Team had ever conducted rescue operations on U.S. soil. Led by Jaromír Píš, the CZERT team searched for survivors and flood victims alongside the Texas Army National Guard’s 454th Engineer Company and the 640th Small Unmanned Aerial Systems Detachment. Drones were also deployed in searching tight spaces and treacherous terrain not easily accessible to ground units.

Part II: Texans and Americans of Czech Ancestry in the U.S. Military 

VIII. Czech Immigration to the U.S. and Texas

Waves of Czech immigration in the 19th and early 20th centuries 

Sources:

• Capek, Thomas. The Čechs (Bohemians) in America : A Study of Their National, Cultural, Political, Social, Economic, and Religious Life. AMS Press, 1969.

• Ference, Gregory C. “Czech and Slovakian Immigrants.” EBSCO, 2024, www.ebsco.com/research-starters/social-sciences-and-humanities/czech-and-slovakian-immigrants. 

• “Czech Texans.” Texas Almanac, Texas State Historical Association, www.texasalmanac.com/articles/czech-texans. Accessed 9 Sept. 2025. 

Although immigration to America from Bohemia and Moravia had been ongoing since at least the 17th century, this trend would ramp up significantly by the late 19th and early 20th centuries, and especially following the outbreak of World War I. During this period, around one-sixteenth of all European Czechs along with a significant group of Slovaks immigrated to the United States in search of better job opportunities and to escape ongoing conflicts in their homeland. While Slovak immigrants were largely pulled towards unskilled labor in the cities such as metal production and coal mining, many Czech immigrants pursued skilled labor positions in urban areas. While these immigrant communities are largely concentrated nowadays in the American Midwest, Czech Americans maintain a significant presence here in Texas. 

17th to Early 19th Centuries

The First Czech Immigrants

Beginning all the way to the Battle of White Mountain and the fall of Bohemia as an independent kingdom, rebel forces led by King Frederick of Bohemia began to flee the country after suffering massive losses from Roman Catholic forces. Many would exile themselves for fear of religious persecution following the war, fleeing across Europe. The first Czech to emigrate to the New World was Herrman Augustin of Prague, who arrived in New York in 1633 while under the employment of the East India Company. He was a surveyor and up-and-coming merchant, having owned land in New York’s Pearl Street. By 1660, he would move to a large estate of 20 acres in Maryland that was granted by Lord Baltimore. Bohemia Manor was gifted for Augustin’s work in drawing the maps of Virginia and Maryland. He also wrote up other land grants with the hope of establishing a “New Bohemia” in his territory, although his success is not confirmed. 

Other early Czech immigrants included Frederick Philipse, a Bohemian nobleman who arrived in the American colonies in 1653 and went on to become an infamous slave trader and businessman. His family owned massive stretches of land in the Province of New York, which was then controlled by the Dutch government. He likely knew Hermann from having appraised his land. The names of other Czech settlers began to appear in records, including those who purchased land in Virginia and Georgia, such as Christopher Donak, John Doza, and Anne Dubes. Several other Czechs immigrated into the late 1600s and 1700s.

18th Century Immigration

In the years leading up to the American Revolution, a group of Czech American religious dissenters from Moravia arrived in the American colonies. Central Europe was undergoing a period of religious restlessness, with German and Moravian Protestant settlers immigrating across the 13 colonies, including parts of Pennsylvania. One Czech family who resided there likely gave birth to John W. Kittera, a future United States attorney under President John Adams and a U.S. Representative of Pennsylvania from 1791 to 1801. Several colonies were attempted by Moravian missionaries, including about 500 acres of Bucks county, Pennsylvania, which eventually became a prominent Moravian settlement of hundreds. Many Czech immigrants who resided in the American colonies would come to join the fight against the British during the American War for Independence in the 1770s.

The American Civil War and Afterwards

The 1840s saw failed attempts at nationalistic uprisings within the Habsburg-controlled empire of Austria and its territories, leading to a large surge of immigration, including Czechs, to the United States. Meanwhile, Bohemia had started the decade off with relative economic success only to experience crop failures and droughts. This led Czechs and others residing in Bohemia and Moravia, the majority consisting of family-sized groups at this point, to begin seeking new lives in the United States. Others emigrated including military servicemen, such as when 39 members of the Plzeň 35th Regiment left for America from the Fortress of Mainz in 1847 followed by several more military deserters, leaving for Brooklyn and other cities. 

The vast majority of Czech immigration to the United States occurred between 1850 and 1914, with many leaving out of resentment and dissatisfaction with the Austrian Empire. The vast majority of Czechs back home were considered "peasants" who, after years of serfdom to their local lords finally ending from state reforms, were left penniless while having to pay the state taxes. Most who owed land only had small holdings of a few acres, many of which were scattered around and with no chance to acquire more. Additionally, they owed fees both to the state-Catholic church as well as their lords for profit loss from their freedom. This led many Czech peasants, including laborers, farmers, and cottagers to seek new opportunities in America. 

Many Czech groups began to move to communities across the East Coast and the Midwest, moving to cities in Ohio, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. Immigrant communities began developing in Central and Southern Texas during the 1850s and 1860s. Many Czechs and other immigrant groups were also being drawn to California with rumors of gold waiting to be found. The California Gold Rush lasted from 1848 to 1855, with around 1,311 Czechs from Plzeň-City District and 1,009 from České Budějovice District being recorded leaving for California in 1853. Several thousands more from all over Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia would seek their fortunes in California in the following years, with an estimated 25,000 Czechs immigrating due to Gold Rush fever. 

When the American Civil War broke out in 1861, around 700 Czech Americans were living in Texas, with many joining the Union army or pursuing the Abolitionist cause, and some joining the Confederate forces or remaining neutral. Several more waves of Czech immigrants followed the war’s end in 1865, including throughout south and central Texas. This was boosted by the Austro-Prussian war in 1866. 43,645 Bohemian immigrants from 1850 to 1868 were recorded to have emigrated to America, followed by around 2,608 from Moravia and around 1,354 from Silesia.

20th Century Immigration and Onwards

By the time World War I was well underway in Europe, around 350,000 Czech immigrants had settled in the United States, the majority of which in skilled professions and literate. As Austria-Hungary was allied with the Central Powers in the war, immigration was cut off to the Entente Powers and their allies, as well as to the United States. Both Czech and Slovak-American leaders in the United States met in Cleveland, Ohio in 1915, realizing that supporting the Allied Nations against the Central Powers would make a great opportunity to promote independence from Austria-Hungary and the Germans. This would be updated with the 1918 Pittsburg Agreement in Pittsburg, PA. They proposed the state of Czechoslovakia, and made their move. Community leaders would encourage mass enlistment of Czech and Slovak immigrants in the U.S. Army, following the United States’ entrance to the war in 1917, raised relief funds for the Entente Powers, and stood against the Central Powers. 

Although their efforts paid off with Czechoslovakia being established as an independent republic and new economic opportunities presented themselves, immigration resumed right after the war. U.S. immigration laws limited Czech immigrant numbers to about 3,000 annually, and established Czech American communities began to assimilate themselves. Despite emigration boosts from Czechoslovakia seeing a communist takeover in 1948 and a Soviet invasion following the 1968 Prague Spring, the majority of Czech Americans had fully assimilated as Americans first. By 1990, around 1.2 million had held Czech roots with about 1.9 million from Slovakia, with about 300,000 labeling themselves as Czechoslovakians. As of 2021, 1,252,833 people in the United States claimed Czech ancestry, while 594,844 people claimed some connection to Slovak descent, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.

Settlement patterns, especially in Texas 

Sources:

• “Czech Texans.” Texas Almanac, Texas State Historical Association, www.texasalmanac.com/articles/czech-texans. Accessed 9 Sept. 2025. 

• Machann, Clinton. “The Czech Heritage in Texas: A Historical Overview.” Handbook of Texas Online, Texas State Historical Association, 16 Feb. 2018, www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/czechs. 

• Kaderka, Susan. “Czechs in Texas.” The Painted Churches of Texas: Echoes of the Homeland, Austin PBS, KLRU-TV, 2009, austinpbs.org/paintedchurches/history_czechs. 

• JURČÍKOVÁ, Magda. Vystěhovalectví Čechů do Texasu. Online. Final thesis of the lifelong learning student. Brno: Masaryk University, Faculty of Education. 2020. Available from: https://is.muni.cz/th/pws75/.

• JURČÍKOVÁ, Magda. Vystěhovalectví Čechů do Texasu. Online. Final thesis of the lifelong learning student. Brno: Masaryk University, Faculty of Education. 2020. Available from: https://is.muni.cz/th/pws75/.

• Machann, Clinton. “Anthony Michael Dignowity: Czech-American Writer and Abolitionist.” Texas State Historical Association, 29 Mar. 2016, www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/dignowity-anthony-michael.

Czech immigration to Texas was present on an individual basis, with certain Czech immigrants arriving by themselves such as Charles Sealsfield, a pseudonym of Karl Anton Postl. Born in Moravia in 1793, he moved to America in the 1800s and became a novelist, writing stories about the American “Wild West” and its history. His writings drew in more European immigrants who were intrigued by this mythos of America and the Western frontier. Dr. Anthony M. Dignowity was born in 1810 in Kutná Hora, a mining town in Central Bohemia. He left Hamburg for New York in the early 1800s before arriving in San Antonio, Texas with volunteers of the Mexican-American War in 1847. He eventually settled there to become a successful businessman and doctor. He would be constantly persecuted for his outspoken abolitionist beliefs on slavery, leaving for Washington D.C. during the Civil War. The first Czech priest to settle in Texas, Bohumir Menzl, would also immigrate to the United States from his home town of Frýdlant, Bohemia. He would arrive in New Braunfels, Texas, in 1846. Sharing his time there and in the German community of Fredericksburg, he would eventually retire back to Bohemia before passing away. 

The trend of Czech immigration to Texas began to pick up in 1950, as Rev. Ernst Bergmann and his family, including Josef Arnost Bergmann, arrived in the Port of Galveston before settling in Cat Spring, Austin County. There, he and his family wrote to family members back home in Moravia about the opportunities Texas held. When their letter was published in the Moravské Noviny (Moravia News), many Czechs who were frustrated with conditions at home were inspired to follow suit. Around 16 families from Northern Bohemia would arrive in 1852 followed by several more throughout the 1850s and 60s, settling in communities in Austin County as well as nearby Fayette County. They would come seeking job opportunities either in labor or in farming on cheap plots of land, as well as seeking political freedom from the Habsburg dynasty. Others sought freedoms were from state-enforced Catholicism, compulsory military-service in the Austria-Hungarian military, and freedom of the press. 

As of the 2020s, nearly 200,000 Texans have claimed Czech ancestry.

IX. Military Service by Czech Americans 

Participation in the Civil War and other 1800s-era conflicts.

Sources:

• Willoughby, Ian. “Sunday Marks 200th Anniversary of Birth of Traveller Paclt.” Radio Prague International, 14 July 2013, english.radio.cz/sunday-marks-200th-anniversary-birth-traveller-paclt-8317728.

• Kříž, Jaroslav. “Čeněk Paclt: El Trotamundos Checo En México y Brasil.” Ibero-Americana Pragensia, vol. 46, no. 2, 2019, pp. 57–64, https://doi.org/10.14712/24647063.2019.5.

• Capek, Thomas. The Čechs (Bohemians) in America : A Study of Their National, Cultural, Political, Social, Economic, and Religious Life. AMS Press, 1969.

• Shosteck, Robert. "LEOPOLD KARPELES: CIVIL WAR HERO." American Jewish Historical Quarterly, vol. 52, no. 1, 1962, pp. 220. ProQuest, http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.lib.uh.edu/scholarly-journals/leopold-karpeles-civil-war-hero/docview/1296107736/se-2. 

• Hawks, Steve A. “46th Massachusetts Infantry Regiment in the American Civil War.” The Civil War in the East, civilwarintheeast.com/us-regiments-batteries/massachusetts/46th-massachusetts/.

• Hawks, Steve A. “57th Massachusetts Infantry Regiment in the American Civil War.” The Civil War in the East, civilwarintheeast.com/us-regiments-batteries/massachusetts/57th-massachusetts/.

• “UNION MASSACHUSETTS VOLUNTEERS 57th Regiment, Massachusetts Infantry.” National Parks Service, U.S. Department of the Interior, www.nps.gov/civilwar/search-battle-units-detail.htm?battleUnitCode=UMA0057RI. Accessed 4 Sept. 2025.

• Jones, W. J. “THE STORY OF WILLIAM F. LUKES.” The Story of American Heroism; Thrilling Narratives of Personal Adventures during the Great Civil War, as Told by the Medal Winners and Roll of Honor Men. Among the Contributors Are Lew Wallace [and Others] Copiously Illustrated with 300 Original Engravings, Accurately Picturing the Scenes Described, Including Portraits of Medal Winners and Roll of Honor Men, The Werner Company, Springfield, OR, 1897, pp. 752–752, https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=nyp.33433081765707&seq=795&q1=William+F.+Lukes. Accessed 20 Aug. 2025. 

• “Lukes, William F. - Seaman, USN, (1847-1923).” Naval History and Heritage Command, www.history.navy.mil/our-collections/photography/us-people/l/lukes-william-f.html. Accessed 20 Aug. 2025. 

Czech-American immigrants served with pride in the American military throughout the years, stamping their contributions from the Civil War and several conflicts throughout the 1800s, to WWI and WWII, the Cold War, and afterwards:

Čeněk Paclt (1813-1887)

Čeněk Paclt was a Czech global-trotting explorer, who while not widely known, was noted as the first explorer to travel across the five inhabited continents of the world at the time. He was born on July 14, 1838, in the town of Turnov in east Bohemia. He first began his travels in Central Europe as a soapmaker, wishing to better his craft before seeking new fortunes in the New World. Upon first arriving in New York City in 1846, he found himself wary of being one of the few Czechs in the city since most immigrants were either German or Irish, with Czech immigration peaking after 1848. He would leave for New Orleans only for his boat to catch fire over the Bahamas, with the steamship Phoenix being evacuated with the help of local fishermen and the "Providentia" warship. 3 of the German crewmen turned out to be members of the U.S. Army, and recommended that Paclt volunteer. Without any hesitation, he agreed and was sworn in less than an hour into his rescue.

Just like that, Paclt would begin his term as a U.S. Army soldier just in time for the Mexican-American War (1846-1848). Mexico was fighting over their lost territory of Texas after it became a short-lived independent republic that became annexed by the United States. Arriving in the port of Tampico, Mexico, Paclt departed with reinforcements headed for Veracruz, which was the stage for an invasion of Mexico led by U.S. General Winfield Scott in the spring of 1847. Mexican President Santa Anna’s troops were being pushed back towards Mexico City, and Paclt joined the army advance into Cerro Gordo pass, which led to the capital. The American forces overwhelmed the Mexican army during the Battle of Cerro Gordo on April 18th, and secured a direct route to Mexico CIty. He passed through the cities of Puebla and San Martín, and at one point was captured by guerrilla fighters outside the latter town. He and his comrade were only spared due to their Catholicism and the fact that they were not originally American. 

The U.S. Army captured Fort Contreras on August 19, 1847, just outside the Mexican capital. Despite being shot in the hand, Paclt moved on, breaching the capital walls with the army by September 13, 1847. Throughout his journey, he became more and more fascinated by the people of Mexico and its culture, including the city center’s blend of Spanish and Aztec-inspired architecture. He would continue on multiple expeditions until the war’s end on June 12, 1848. Returning to New York City with the rest of the army, he would later serve for 3 more years in St. Augustine, Florida, and then in Charleston, South Carolina. For his service, he was awarded money, a subscription to 160 acres of free federal land, and U.S. citizenship. Afterwards, he continued to travel the world, starting with Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, and later Australia, New Zealand. Paclt would finally end his travels at South Africa, where he passed away in June 1887.

Leopold Karpeles (1838-1909)

Distinguished for his heroic feats of the American Civil War, Leopold Karpeles was a Jewish Czech immigrant originally born in Prague Bohemia on September 9, 1838. He first immigrated by himself in 1849 to Galveston, Texas, a more rural area at the time compared to the big cities that most immigrants seeked. He helped his older brother Emil with his store and with cargo transport across the Mexican border, where he remained employed until 1862. Despite having no military experience outside of helping his local militia, he would sign up for the American Union army September 24, 1862 after moving to Springfield, Massachusetts during the outbreak of the Civil War. From Camp Banks, Karpeles would enlist in the 46th Massachusetts Infantry Regiment under Colonel George Bowler, eventually earning the rank of Colonel from his superiors’ recommendations on November 1, 1862. He would serve with the regiment until the end of his enlistment on July 29, 1863 under the command of Colonel Shurtleff, having been praised for his combat prowess and bravery. 

Karpeles continued his enlisted service with the 57th Regiment, Massachusetts Infantry under the young Colonel William Bartlett on March 10, 1864, now as the rank of sergeant. He would be called upon alongside 500,000 volunteers by President Abraham Lincoln and was influenced by abolitionist ideals. His regiment would organize Camp Wool at Worcester and at Reedville, Massachusetts towards the frontlines at Annapolis, Maryland, before being absorbed into the 1st Brigade, 1st Division, 9th Army Corps, Army of the Potomac. President Lincoln and General Burnside would inspect the regiment in Washington D.C. on April 9th, before joining the Army of the Potomac around Bealeton Station, Virginia. This was to be a staging area where Union General Ulysses S. Grant would plan to attack Confederate General Robert E. Lee’s army and hopefully capture Richmond, north Virginia. A 3-day battle from May 5 to 7 would ensue at the Battle of the Wilderness, with 47 men being killed, along with 161 wounded, and 43 missing during the chaos. Karpeles proved himself again with his exemplary service during the battle, leading him to be awarded the Medal of Honor in 1870.

Surviving the battle without a scratch, Karpeles and the remaining 9th Army Corps moved on to the North Anna River, near Quarle’s Mills, Virginia. They sought to cut off Lee’s army from Richmond but were attacked by Confederate forces. Advancing towards snipers and the enemy battery, the regiment suffered casualties before being routed and forced to retreat into the woods near the river. Karpeles was injured and ultimately released from service due to his debilitating injuries on May 7, 1865. He would be awarded the Medal of Honor on April 30, 1870, as one of 6 Jewish Americans to receive the award. After his military career, Karpeles became married with children, with his family owning multiple stores and later becoming a clerk for the Post Office in the Office of the Auditor, Treasury Department, Karpeles would pass away in Washington, D.C. by February 22, 1909, and would be laid to rest at the cemetery of the Washington Hebrew Congregation.

William F. Lukes (1847-1923)

William Lukes was a first-generation Czech immigrant first born in Niderbergdorf, Bohemia, on February 19, 1847. He would come to reside in Brooklyn, New York, in 1860, eventually enlisting with the U.S. Navy on November 11, 1869. Starting as a landsman in Company D, on board the U.S.S. Colorado, he would participate in the Korean Expedition in 1871. American forces entered the waters of the Kingdom of Korea, with most combat taking place around Ganghwa Island. Lukes served as a petty officer under the command of Lieutenant McGee, where they attempted to capture Korean forts built along the Han River on June 11, 1871. On their second attempt, Lt. McGee was killed in combat, with the chain of command landing on PO Lukes. Trying to recover Lt. McGee’s body from the Korean forces, PO Lukes fought alongside 2 U.S. soldiers in a brutal and up-close fight with the Koreans, with only Lukes surviving. Despite being severely wounded with several cuts and being unconscious for several weeks on the Colorado, he would continue to fight throughout the Korean Expedition. For his valiant bravery, he was awarded the Medal of Honor and later granted the rank of Seaman, USN. He later died in Los Angeles, California, on December 17, 1923.

Involvement in World War I and support for Czechoslovak independence 

Sources:

• “American Czechs in World War I.” Czech Center Museum Houston, www.czechcenter.org/american-czechs-in-world-war-i. Accessed 26 June 2025. 

• “Dominik Naplava in World War I Canadian Army Uniform.” UTSA Libraries Special Collections Digital Collections, digital.utsa.edu/digital/collection/p9020coll008/id/6308/. Accessed 9 Sept. 2025.

• “We Remember Dominick Naplava | Lives of the First World War.” Imperial War Museum, https://livesofthefirstworldwar.iwm.org.uk/lifestory/6032740. Accessed 4 Sept. 2025. 

• CallieK. “30 Day of Remembrance- Day 14 - Dominick Naplava.” The Rising Village: Voices of Canada in the 1800’s, 12 Nov. 2013, therisingvillage.blogspot.com/2013/11/in-memory-of-private-dominick-naplava.html.

• Capek, Thomas. The Čechs (Bohemians) in America : A Study of Their National, Cultural, Political, Social, Economic, and Religious Life. AMS Press, 1969.

• “Czech Heritage Museum & Genealogy Center.” Texas Time Travel, texastimetravel.com/directory/czech-heritage-museum-genealogy-center-tour/. Accessed 4 Sept. 2025. 

•  McNally, Brendan. “E.V. Voska: The U.S. Army Captain Who Founded Czechoslovakia.” Defense Media Network, 26 Sept. 2017, www.defensemedianetwork.com/stories/e-v-voska-the-u-s-army-captain-who-founded-czechoslovakia/.

• Voska, Emanuel V., and Will Irwin. “Spy and Counter Spy.” Saturday Evening Post, vol. 212, no. 45, May 1940, pp. 12–48. EBSCOhost, research.ebsco.com/linkprocessor/plink?id=1fe7b1a8-8646-37ba-8ef2-e7f5f7ac5cf9.

• “Personalities – Emanuel Voska.” Zbraslav Historie, zbraslavhistorie.info/osobnosti-emanuel_voska. Accessed 16 Sept. 2025.

Dominik Naplava (1892-1917)

Born on February 11, 1892, Dominik Naplava and his family immigrated from Czechoslovakia to Houston, Texas by 1914, where would face numerous rejections from attempting to enlist in the U.S. Army. Like many Czechs and Slovaks who grew tired of the Habsburg family and Austria-Hungary’s absolute control, he saw the Great War as an opportunity to show to the world the nationalist will of the Czech people. He would not give up, and went as far as to go to Canada and enlist in the 107th Canadian Pioneer Battalion. He served with the Canadian Expeditionary Forces until November 12, 1917, when his brother received news of Donminik’s death. He had died from a German plane dropping bombs while he was digging ditches near Wieltje, Belgium. He is recognized as the first Texan casualty of World War I, and has been recognized for his contributions by Houston City Hall, with his name honored onto the city’s Gold Star Honor Roll.

Emanuel Viktor Voska (1875-1960)

Having greatly contributed to the founding of Czechoslovakia, Emanuel Viktor Voska served as an intelligence officer with the U.S. Army during WWI and WWII. Emanuel Voska was born on November 4, 1875, in Kutná Hora, Bohemia. Just like his father’s profession, Voska worked as a stonemason until he was 19, when he would criticize local working conditions for women at a local tobacco factory. His actions gained the attention of Austrian authorities, with district governor Suchánek confronting him and recommending that he emigrate from the country, as could face charges of sedition. This was amidst internal turmoil with Austria-Hungary facing internal dissent, with Emperor Franz Josef employing secret police forces to squash any critics. Realizing his peril if he was suspected of associating with anti-Austrian revolutionaries, he left for New York City with only 4 dollars and no understanding of English.

Despite his tenuous situation, Voska connected with the local Czech community and formed business ties with them, becoming a successful entrepreneur who owned a construction company and a marble mine by 1910. Becoming a naturalized citizen, Voska would go on to marry a local Czech woman, Anna Ročňáková, in 1897, and have 3 children. He would also come to head the local Sokol organization and become involved in social democratic politics. In 1902 Voska would become acquaintances with Professor Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, helping to organize a tour in the U.S. in 1910 and 1912. He would go on to also meet thousands of Czech and Slovaks, establishing many social and economic connections across the United States and Europe.

By 1914, Voska saw that the political situation in Bohemia and Moravia was unraveling, with the likelihood of war breaking out. He realized that Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph I and his family were barely keeping the empire together, with tensions over the autonomy of the subject peoples slowly building up over the years. Plans were already being drawn up of rebellion in anticipation of the emperor’s death amongst several factions, including the Hungarian nobility. Czech-American newspapers were sharing news of these movements with G. Haberman, a Czech deputy of the Austrian Imperial Parliament and publisher of the Nova Doba newspaper in Pilsen, Bohemia. However, Huberman warned that news of these rebellious factions were being suppressed, and when he republished news of the Hungarian movement, Austrian authorities quickly censored it. 

Voska and his 16-year-old daughter Villa traveled to Prague and met with Masaryk and others to discuss the ongoing political situation. Happily surprised his friend had become recognized as the leader of the Czech National Movement, they decided they would meet again on July 4 in secret at Masaryk’s house for fear of retribution from the Austrian secret police. During a visit to his home town on June 28, Voska would be shocked with news of the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, and realized that war was likely inevitable. Fearing Bohemia’s future, he along with Masaryk and other national leaders scrambled to find out who was responsible for the assassination. He would learn that it was the work of the South Slavs and the Hungarians attempting separate attacks without each other’s knowledge. Voska arranged for cooperation between the Czech and South Slav factions before returning to Prague to meet Masaryk on the 10th of August. There, Masayark decided that the Czech people should join the Allied Powers in the coming war to free the Czech people from the Austria-Hungarian Empire.By supporting Britain and France during the war, they would be able to obtain international recognition of the Czech Nationalist movement as political representatives for the Czech people. 

He then would give Voska and Villa the dangerous mission of smuggling documents that held compromising information of the situation in Austria-Hungary. Prepared by Masayark, they contained classified information regarding Austria-Hungary's economic resources and its weaknesses politically and militarily. Risking charges of espionage, he and his daughter left the country for London under the guise of being a tour guide for American tourists. Some of the documents were hidden in Voska’s shoes, and the rest stuffed into Villa’s corset. They reached London on September 2 and brought these papers to an editor with The Times newspaper named Wickham Steed. They also visited several other allies to the Bohemian nationalists, including journalist Lord Northcliffe, Doctor Seton-Weston and British Parliament member Frederick Whyte. After a short interrogation with Scotland Yard police, Voska would then move to inform the Secretary of State for War Lord Kitchener and the Russian Ambassador in London of his espionage work. He was tasked to make arrangements for the Czech people to join the armies of Allied nations in the war within foreign legions. 

They reached an agreement, with the Russian Czar government informing Allied governments about the intentions of Czech soldiers to desert the Central Powers. The Russian ambassador also promised that Czech soldiers living in his nation would be organized to fight for Russia on the frontlines. Voska finally finished his activities in London by establishing a courier service between London and Prague, delivering intelligence and information. He and his daughter would leave for St. Louis, Missouri, as Voska was to organize the Czech and Slovak communities in the U.S. to support the cause for national independence from Austria-Hungary. During his first rally, Voska would be contacted by a clerk working at the Austrian consulate. He revealed that the Austria-Hungarian Empire, were bringing Austrian and German reserve officers and technicians home through the British blockade, via forged or bought passports. Sympathetic to the Czech cause, he and 2 other mailmen at the consulate pledged to support Voska’s cause, handing him the list which he would pass on to a journalist colleague of Lord Northdiffe in New York. 

Voska along with Thomas Capek and Adolf Tordy organized a trip to Washington, D.C. to discuss their proposal of Czech military support to the Allies. The Russian ambassador was supportive of their efforts, and the U.S. government promised to not interfere with their activities as long as they did not implicate the United States.

Contributions during World War II (both theaters of war) 

Sources:

• “Sergeant Michael Strank.” Marine Corps University, www.usmcu.edu/Research/Marine-Corps-History-Division/People/Whos-Who-in-Marine-Corps-History/Scannell-Upshur/Sergeant-Michael-Strank/. Accessed 4 Sept. 2025. 

• Sutor, Dave. “Hailing ‘a True American Hero’: Events to Honor Franklin’s Strank, Recall Iwo Jima.” The Tribune-Democrat, 4 Nov. 2019, www.tribdem.com/news/hailing-a-true-american-hero-events-to-honor-franklin-s-strank-recall-iwo-jima/article_6f61d2e0-fec3-11e9-aaa1-dfa0863eab1c.html. 

• “Sgt Michael Strank.” The Michael Strank Project, Veterans Memorial Monument Inc, 16 Jan. 2020, strank.org/sgt-michael-strank/.

• “CLAUDE BLOCH, 89, ADMIRAL, IS DEAD; Ex-Commander of the Fleet Was at Pearl Harbor in ’41.” The New York Times, 7 Oct. 1967, pp. 29–29, https://www.nytimes.com/1967/10/07/archives/claude-bloch-89-admiral-is-dead-excommander-of-the-fleet-was-at.html. Accessed 20 Aug. 2025. 

• “Adm. Claude Charles Bloch.” WKU Alumni Association, alumni.wku.edu/s/808/24/interior.aspx?sid=808&gid=1&pgid=7031. Accessed 20 Aug. 2025. 

• https://www.history.navy.mil/our-collections/photography/numerical-list-of-images/nhhc-series/nh-series/NH-02000/NH-2205.html

• Pounds,James A., I.,II. "They Test the Jets." Marine Corps Gazette (pre-1994), vol. 32, no. 6, 1948, pp. 21-23. ProQuest, http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.lib.uh.edu/trade-journals/they-test-jets/docview/206294084/se-2.

• “Apollo Soucek’s High Altitude Flying Helmet.” National Air and Space Museum, Smithsonian, 28 Apr. 2015, airandspace.si.edu/stories/editorial/apollo-souceks-high-altitude-flying-helmet. 

• https://www.history.navy.mil/content/dam/nhhc/research/histories/naval-aviation/pdf/APP11.PDF

• “VADM Apollo Soucek.” Military Hall of Honor - Honoring Those Who Honor Us, militaryhallofhonor.com/honoree-record.php?id=221732. Accessed 20 Aug. 2025. 

• Gleason, Moriece. “How Soucek Broke The Record.” U.S. Naval Institute, U.S. Navy, www.usni.org/magazines/proceedings/1958/april/how-soucek-broke-record. Accessed 20 Aug. 2025. 

• Riebschlaeger, Elizabeth. “The Story of a Lifetime - 35 Years of Journeys to the Czech Republic.” The Catholic Lighthouse, Jan. 2002, p. 16. 

• Riebschlaeger, Elizabeth. “The Story of a Lifetime - The Recovery of the Catholic Church in the Czech Republic.” The Catholic Lighthouse, Feb. 2002, p. 16. 

• “Rudy Klecka. Armed Forces USA (312 Sqn).” RAF Exeter Archive, rafexeterarchive.org.uk/rudy-klecka-american-during-a-war/. Accessed 9 Sept. 2025. 

• “Rudolph Klecka Obituary (2011).” Legacy.Com, The Houston Chronicle, 22 Nov. 2011, www.legacy.com/us/obituaries/houstonchronicle/name/rudolph-klecka-obituary?id=21828263.

• “Rudolph Klecka Obituary.” Legacy.Com, Davis Greenlawn Funeral Chapels and Cemeteries, 20 Nov. 2011, www.legacy.com/us/obituaries/name/rudolph-klecka-obituary?pid=178713703.

• Kenety, Brian. “Charles Havlat: The Last GI Killed in Action, a Czech-American, Died in Bohemia after the European Cease-Fire.” Radio Prague International, 9 May 2009, english.radio.cz/charles-havlat-last-gi-killed-action-a-czech-american-died-bohemia-after-8098726. 

• Lancaster, Marc. “Charley Havlat, the Last American Killed in Combat in Europe.” The Low Stone Wall, 6 May 2019, lowstonewall.com/2019/05/07/charley-havlat-who-was-the-last-american-killed-in-combat-in-europe-world-war-ii/. 

• “The Last American Killed in Action in Europe during World War II.” American Battle Monuments Commission (ABMC), 7 May 2014, www.abmc.gov/news-events/news/last-american-killed-action-europe-during-world-war-ii/.

• Klůc, Jiří. “The Czech Aboard Enola Gay, the Hiroshima Bombing Flight 80 Years Ago.” Radio Prague International, 6 Aug. 2025, english.radio.cz/czech-aboard-enola-gay-hiroshima-bombing-flight-80-years-ago-8859019. 

• “Joseph S. Stiborik.” Atomic Heritage Foundation, The National Museum of Nuclear Science and History, ahf.nuclearmuseum.org/ahf/profile/joseph-s-stiborik/. Accessed 18 Sept. 2025. 

• “Enola Gay.” Williamson County Historical Commission, Williamson County, TX, 13 Mar. 2025, www.wilcotx.gov/1727/Enola-Gay. 

• “Joe Stiborik.” Hall of Valor: Medal of Honor, Silver Star, U.S. Military Awards, MilitaryTimes, 6 Nov. 2024, valor.militarytimes.com/recipient/recipient-50010/.

Michael Strank (1919-1945)

Charles Havlat (1910-1945) 

Charles Havlat was one of three brothers born to Czech immigrants in Dorchester, Nebraska, a small farming community.

Adm. Claude C. Bloch (1878-1967)

Joseph S. Stiborik (1914-1984)

Rudolph "Rudy" Klecka Sr. (1919-2011)

Rudolph Kleca Sr. a Czech American veteran was born in East Bernard, Texas on May 10, 1919. Raised by his parents, John and Caroline Toman Klecka, he lived much of his early life in his home town until he was inducted into the U.S. Armed Forces in February 1941. With the Nazi invasion of Western Europe well underway, “Rudy” Klecka was assigned to the Allied forces air base in Exeter, England as a tech sergeant in January 1943. He became acquainted with Czech aviators at a nearby bar one evening. They had escaped the Nazi invasion of Czechoslovakia and joined up with the British Royal Air Service, eventually being formed into 310th Fighter Squadron with the RAF. Klecka Sr. was inspired by these brave pilots and created lifelong friendships with them, exchanging letters with these pilots and other Czechs who he met throughout the war and afterwards. However, this would stop in 1948 as the Soviet-aligned Communist power began amassing power, and by 1950 initiated a takeover of the Czechoslovakia government. Klecka Sr. would receive letters again by 1960, after several Czech veterans who fought with Western allied forces were imprisoned for around a decade.

After leaving the military in 1945, Rudy Klecka and his wife Henrietta would begin organizing tours as Klub Kontinenta. Thousands of Czech-Americans wished to maintain ties with their relatives in Czechoslovakia amidst political tensions between the Soviet Union and the United States. Rudy Kleca began his tours on June 14, 1969, amid earlier student protests that included one setting himself on fire in protest of Soviet occupation of Czechoslovakia.  Joined by priests and a nun who were advised to dress in civilian clothing, their first tours saw Klecka reuniting with George Sehnal, a friend he met from the Czech RAF squadron. Those who toured with Kleckas included:

• Sister Josephine Kunz of Victoria, TX, who was the first nun to travel with them.

• Mrs Max( Louise) Voskamp and Charles V Chrastecky from Shiner, TX.

• Joseph Hyber of Kerriville, TX

• Miss Catherine Beseda, Louis Navratil, and Mrs Matusek, all who were from East Bernard, TX. 

• Louis Michulka and Miss Lydia Matusek of Wharton, TX. 

• Mrs Marie Hlozek and her daughters, Mrs Gertrude Hubenak, Mrs Homer Ammann, Mrs Jaro ( Agnes Kolar) Netardus, Miss Gladys Pustejarsky, Mrs Alton Nelson and daughter Linda

• Mrs Mattle Nora Hurta of Midfield, TX

• Mrs Christina Zernanek of Palacios, TX.

• Leo Netek who was 85.

They were able to receive permission to tour the country with the help of Father Jan Kukral, an exiled Czech priest living in East Bernard who knew Bishop Hlouch of Ceske Budejovice, Bohemia. Klecka’s group would tour in a KGB bus with strict rules about traveling, with Sister Josephine refusing to take off her religious outfit or “habit” after being ordered to do so. They would move on and travel to Prague, where they would receive warm welcomes from Czech relatives. However, government officials were reserved and told the group they could not leave the capital or participate in the Kolin Band Festival as planned. When confronting the mayor’s office regarding their lackluster reception to the tour, the mayor responded surprisingly by setting up a reception in City Hall that was filled with drinks and wine, with all officials ready to meet them. During their tour, the Kleckas noticed how paranoid Czech citizens were of Communist officials, fearing possible retaliation. This even led to suspicions amongst family members, with cousins of the Kleckas not wanting to associate with each other out of worries of being reported for suspicious activities. Religious figures were also extremely poor and faced possible persecution for holding religious activities without permission. As a devout member of his local Catholic Church, Rudy Klecka sought to continue his pilgrimages to Czechoslovakia, wishing to maintain Catholic religious ties to those who had lost their connection after decades of communist education and Soviet dogma demonizing Western religion. 

In the aftermath of the 1989 Velvet Revolution and Czechoslovakia leaving the Soviet Union, Rudy Klecka and Henrietta joined several Czech American and Czech physicians to become founding board members of the The Texas-Czech Physician Exchange Program in Houston, TX. This exchange program would see Czech doctors join studies tours held for 3 months at the Houston Medical Center. They would also become board members of the Czech Culture Center, now known as the  Czech Center Museum Houston. In 2005, the Czech Ambassador to the United States would honor Rudy Klecka with the “Czernin Palace Bronze Memorial Medal", after years of working to maintain relations between the Czech Republic and the United States. Klecka Sr. would pass away peacefully on November 20, 2011 in his home town of East Bernard, being buried and leaving behind his 3 sons and their families. He was an active member of the Holy Cross Catholic Church as well as the American Legion in East Bernard.

Czech Americans in Cold War conflicts (Korea, Vietnam) 

Sources:

• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Czech_Americans#Military

• "REMARKS BY DEPUTY DEFENSE SECRETARY WILLIAM LYNN AT THE HALL OF HEROES INDUCTION CEREMONY FOR PRIVATE FIRST CLASS ANTHONY T. KAHO'OHANOHANO AND PRIVATE FIRST CLASS HENRY SVEHLA (AS RELEASED BY THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE) LOCATION: PENTAGON HALL OF HEROES, THE PENTAGON, ARLINGTON, VIRGINIA DATE: TUESDAY, MAY 3, 2011." Washington Newsmaker Transcript Database, 3 May 2011. Gale Academic OneFile, link.gale.com/apps/doc/A255705335/AONE?u=txshracd2588&sid=bookmark-AONE&xid=1b2a4447. Accessed 20 Aug. 2025.

• “Svehla, Henry, PFC.” Together We Served, Roll of Honor, army.togetherweserved.com/army/servlet/tws.webapp.WebApp?cmd=ShadowBoxProfile&type=Person&ID=297606. Accessed 20 Aug. 2025. 

• “Henry Svehla.” Hall of Valor: Medal of Honor, Silver Star, U.S. Military Awards, MilitaryTimes, 5 Nov. 2024, valor.militarytimes.com/hero/7083/. 

• Pounds,James A., I.,II. "They Test the Jets." Marine Corps Gazette (pre-1994), vol. 32, no. 6, 1948, pp. 21-23. ProQuest, http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.lib.uh.edu/trade-journals/they-test-jets/docview/206294084/se-2.

• “Apollo Soucek’s High Altitude Flying Helmet.” National Air and Space Museum, Smithsonian, 28 Apr. 2015, airandspace.si.edu/stories/editorial/apollo-souceks-high-altitude-flying-helmet. 

• https://www.history.navy.mil/content/dam/nhhc/research/histories/naval-aviation/pdf/APP11.PDF

• “VADM Apollo Soucek.” Military Hall of Honor - Honoring Those Who Honor Us, militaryhallofhonor.com/honoree-record.php?id=221732. Accessed 20 Aug. 2025. 

• Gleason, Moriece. “How Soucek Broke The Record.” U.S. Naval Institute, U.S. Navy, www.usni.org/magazines/proceedings/1958/april/how-soucek-broke-record. Accessed 20 Aug. 2025. 

• Bowers, Ray L. The United States Air Force in Southeast Asia: Tactical Airlift. Office of Air Force History, 1983, Defense Technical Information Center, https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/tr/pdf/ADA133635.pdf, Accessed 2025.

• Destromp, Barb. “Jack Vladimir Cebe-Habersky (1934-1977).” Find a Grave, 7 Nov. 2008, www.findagrave.com/memorial/31219626/jack-vladimir-cebe-habersky. 

• REPORT OF AF AIRCRAFT INCIDENT. Report No. 1 Feb 1956, United States, Dept. of the Air Force, 1957. Soesterberg Movements, Recce Reports, https://soesterbergmovements.reccereports.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/F-100_541952_AccidentReport.pdf. 

• Willoughby, Ian. “Mirko Dolák – A Czech Marine in Vietnam.” Radio Prague International, 26 Nov. 2012, english.radio.cz/mirko-dolak-a-czech-marine-vietnam-8549294. 

• “Mirko Dolak Obituary (2013).” Legacy.Com, The Washington Post, 26 Jan. 2013, www.legacy.com/us/obituaries/washingtonpost/name/mirko-dolak-obituary?id=6003519.

Apollo Soucek (1897-1955)

Henry Svehla (1932-1952)

Jack Vladimir Cebe-Habersky (1934-1977)

Mirko Dolák (1942-2013)

A Czech American military veteran who fought during the Vietnam War (November 1, 1955 – April 30, 1975), Mirko Dolák was born in Czechoslovakia on September 25, 1942. He was adopted by Adolf and Margaret Dolák and grew up under the Communist regime, resenting life there before fleeing via the Austrian border in 1965. Granted political asylum to the United States, he would register for selected service and was drafted into the military, deciding to join the U.S. Marine Corps over the army. He fought in Vietnam for 13 months as a combat engineer, eventually earning the Purple Heart, the Vietnamese Cross of Gallantry, and the Navy Commendation Medal. Although he hated the North Vietnamese troops due to their Communist allegiances at first, he grew weary of the war and became somewhat sympathetic. He would leave the military, but still remained in awe of the Marine Corps.

After leaving the Marine Corps, Mirko Dolák worked as an electrician in Inglewood, California while pursuing his Bachelor's degree at night, eventually earning 2 Masters and a PhD. He would join the Los Angeles branch of the U.S. General Accounting Office in 1981 and later the GAO headquarters in D.C. in 1988. Dolák would work as a talented analyst investigating other government agencies, including working on the Y2K panic. He would retire in 2008 and write an autobiography. He would later return to the Czech Republic and live in Prague until his death on January 21, 2013. Passing away from cancer, he was remembered fondly by friends and families, his ashes scattered in his remembrance.

Recent service in Iraq, Afghanistan, and peacekeeping missions 

Sources:

• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Czech_Americans#Military

• Pietsch, Coral Wong. “On Being a Pioneer and a Public Servant...The Challenges and Rewards.” National Archives and Records Administration, National Archives and Records Administration, 1 Apr. 2014, obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/realitycheck/blog/2014/04/01/being-pioneer-and-public-servantthe-challenges-and-rewards.   

• Pullen, Randy. "First Army Asian-Pacific-American woman general selected." The Officer, vol. 77, no. 3, 2001, pp. 23. ProQuest, http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.lib.uh.edu/trade-journals/first-army-asian-pacific-american-woman-general/docview/214099415/se-2. 

• Pullen, Randy. "Army reservist achieves two notable firsts." The Officer, vol. 77, no. 8, 2001, pp. 46. ProQuest, http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.lib.uh.edu/trade-journals/army-reservist-achieves-two-notable-firsts/docview/214094973/se-2. 

Coral Wong Pietsch (b. 1947)